Thesis--Bonn. / Without thesis statement. Bibliography: p. [143]-147.

Thesis--Bonn. / Without thesis statement. Bibliography: p. [143]-147.

Zugl.: Stuttgart, Univ., Diss., 2005

Diss.--Köln, 1998. / Bibliogr. p. 557-594. Index.

<p>Slutgiltigt godkännandedatum: 2022-10-03</p>

Zugl.: Marburg, Universiẗat, Diss., 2007.

No description available.

Zugl.: Marburg, Univ., Diss., 2007

The master's thesis focuses on analysis of selected Czechoslovakian party - controlled press a through it seeks to analyse attitude of Czechoslovakian political parties (belonging to to various ends of political spectrum) towards foreign and domestic policy of German government representatives and events that were taking place on the political scene of the Weimar Republic on the brink of its existence from January 1932 to Nazi seizure of power in the end of January 1933. Main emphasis of this thesis is on the analysis and interpretation of media reflection of political events taking place in Germany and political actions made by presidential cabinets headed by Heinrich Brüning, Franz von Papen and Kurt von Schleicher in the time of crisis, when instability of Weimar political system become fully apparent - this crisis eventually led to the collapse of parliamentary democracy and the rise Nazism in the interwar Germany. The thesis also deals with the reflection of parliamentary and presidential elections. Three central newspapers of Czechoslovakian political parties were selected for the analysis - Právo lidu of leftist Československá sociálně demokratická strana dělnická, Venkov of rightist Republikánská strana zemědělského a malorolnického lidu and Lidové listy of centrist Československá strana...

La restauration d'une Chrétienté, la conversion des nations à la doctrine chrétienne de l'organisation des hommes en société : telle fut la substance des projets de la papauté de l'entre-deux-guerres. Or, ceux-ci trouvèrent dans l'Allemagne des années Vingt un terrain favorable, dès lors que la jeune République, construite par-dessus l'humiliation de la défaite et le chaos de la Révolution, était plus que fragile. Cette quête eut ses relais : les clercs et les religieux, sur lesquels le Saint-Siège voulut renforcer son contrôle pour romaniser un catholicisme parfois suspect de modernisme ; les œuvres catholiques, dont la relance fut au cœur du pontificat de Pie XI ; le Zentrum, au rôle renforcé par la parlementarisation ; le service diplomatique, dès lors qu'enfin, il fut possible d'installer un nonce à Berlin. Mais l'instrument privilégié de la reconquête devait être le concordat. Après les concordats signés avec quelques Länder, le Concordat du Reich du 20 juillet 1933 devait donc représenter le couronnement de cette politique. Or, la victoire était vide de sens. Loin des ambitions restauratrices qui avaient valu en 1919, le traité n'eut plus qu'une fonction de défense, et encore, d'une efficacité sujette à caution, dès lors que le Führer en transgressa immédiatement les dispositions. La thèse s'arrête finalement à l'été 1934, après la nuit des Longs Couteaux et la mort du président Hindenburg. Ces deux épisodes achevaient la construction du totalitarisme nazi; mais en même temps qu'ils révélaient toute la vanité de l'entreprise restauratrice chrétienne, ils signifiaient aussi pour Rome la fin des illusions quant aux possiblités de canaliser Hitler et le nazisme. / My Ph.D thesis is focused on Papal prospects of a Catholic re-conquest, according to the model of the medieval Christianity; that is to say, the papal attempt to place the Roman Church at the heart of society once again, or, in other words, the efforts to restore mutatis mutandi a Christian system, as it was in Europe before the French Revolution. In fact, following the First World War, the situation in Germany offered great possibilities to this kind of Roman policy. We may think about the German needs to get help from the Holy See on the international scene, or the new political order, i.e the Weimar Constitution favorable to Catholic interests and the power gained by political Catholicism. To develop this policy, the Holy See had different means: the ecclesial means, such as bishop's appointments, ecclesiastical formation, theological studies, which were used to romanizzare the german Catholicism and to reinforce roman control over the German Church; second, the means of the Catholic activism, such as religious instruction and education, Catholic lay organizations and Christian political parties. However, the best instrument was certainly the Concordat; and from that point of view, the diplomatic activity was certainly increased by the Nuncio appointed for the first time in Berlin. My thesis ends with the summer of 1934, after the Night of the Long Knives and president Hindenburg's death. Indeed, these two episodes finished the formation of the Nazi Totalitarianism, but they revealed also how vain the Papal policy was. It can be viewed as the beginning of the disillusions in Rome about Hitler and the possibilities of moderating him.