The prevalence of orality in the 8th/7th centuries BCE and the inherent limits of oral memory, in the wake of centuries of illiteracy, invalidate the conventional premise that the archaizing world of the Iliad somehow represents a Late Bronze Age (LBA) reality: generally, one can look back in time no further than two or three centuries—to the Early Iron Age (EIA), a poorly-documented yet crucial period also known as the Dark Age. Paralleling the eastward expansion of the Mycenaeans and their Greek-speaking successors onto the coast of Anatolia in both the LBA and EIA, another closely-related, yet distinct group similarly expands eastward from its home base in Epirus and Macedonia to the northern coast of Anatolia, the location of Troy; and thence, much farther into the Anatolian heartland to the very slopes of the Caucasus. Adapting an ethnonym from Herodotus 1.56 & 8.43 (Μακεδνὸν ἔθνος), I refer to this group as the Makednians: in linguistic terms (a key criterion of ethnicity), this includes Macedonian, Phrygian, Armenian, and even, it is argued, what is traditionally referred to as “Northwestern Greek.” Not only do they move into Anatolia, but also southward into Greece, thus impacting the evolution of post-Mycenaean society and contributing to the rise of new hybrid ethne, notably the Dorians and the Aeolians. The saga of the Trojan War dramatizes and crystallizes, to an appreciable degree, the many wars throughout the EIA Aegean between the post-Mycenaeans / post-Anatolians and the Makednians, prior to their final coalescence. The Achaeans and the Trojans of epic are so alike and yet different because the (post)-Mycenaeans and Makednians are so alike, yet different. Chapter 1 explores the connection between Trojans and Ionians, primary audience of Homeric performances. Chapter 2 explores the connection between Trojans, Phrygians and Macedonians. Chapter 3 investigates the ways in which the intertwined notions of primordial death, land of the dead and ancestor worship converge in Achilles, his native Phthia and his immediate entourage. / Comparative Literature

In the fifth and sixth centuries CE, the Roman Empire fragmented, along with its network of political, cultural, and socio-economic connections. How did that network’s collapse reshape the social and mental horizons of communities in one part of the Roman world, now eastern France? Did new political frontiers between barbarian kingdoms redirect those communities’ external connections, and if so, how? To address these questions, this dissertation focuses on the cities of two Gallo-Roman tribal groups. The Aeduans and Lingons inhabited a strategic crossroads region in what is now Burgundy and Champagne, and between ca. 460-534 passed from Roman to barbarian rule – first under the Burgundians and then under the Merovingian Franks. Close prosopographical study of the written sources and distribution-analysis of material sources – coins and ceramics – illuminate the region’s experience of the end of Empire. An unprecedented study of the distribution of Burgundian coins found in France revises the consensus model for the movement of gold coins across the post-Roman West. The dissertation’s multiple independent types of evidence reveal and mutually corroborate previously unrecognized communication patterns in late antique eastern Gaul. During the fifth and sixth centuries, Aeduan and Lingon communication horizons contracted sharply but unevenly. To the northwest, where Burgundians and Franks faced off across a sometimes-tense border, traditional socio-economic ties withered almost completely, only to resume after the Frankish conquests of the 530s. To the south, however, throughout the fifth and sixth centuries, Aeduans and Lingons more easily forged long-range connections across a different but also frequently hostile political border, with the Goths. The struggles of violent kings, then, could decisively reshape communication networks, but did not always do so. To explain the importance of politics relative to other influences – social, economic, and environmental – the dissertation turns to social gravity and network analysis theories. The study culminates in a multi-scalar model for the complex and dynamic communications of late antique Gaul. That interdisciplinary approach models new methodological possibilities for explaining pre-modern communication history. / History

The topic of divine kingship in Mesopotamia, and in the Ur III period (ca. 2112-2004 B.C.E.) in particular, has been the subject of studies focused on aspects such as its ideology, rhetoric, political motivation, and place in the history of religion. This dissertation is concerned with more pragmatic aspects of the phenomenon, and investigates what, if any, effect the institution of divine kingship had on day-to-day life. The Ur III period was selected both because four of its five kings were deified during their lifetime, and over 95,000 administrative, i.e. non-ideologically oriented, records dating to this period are available for analysis. The main focus of this thesis is on cult, the essential signifier of divinity in that society, and, specifically, on the manner in which the cult of the deified king was established, extended, and popularized. The primary source utilized was the Base de Datos de Textos Neo-Sumerios (BDTNS). The first chapter demonstrates that at the center of the cult of the deified king were effigies that underwent numerous ritual treatments and were housed in both their own and in other deities' temples, and that in these respects the king's cult was identical to those of the traditional gods. A list of the individual statues and their locations is provided, in chronological order of attestation. Areas where ramifications of the king's godhood might be identified outside of cult are also addressed. The chapter is bracketed by discussions of divine kingship in the immediately preceding (Sargonic) and following (Isin-Larsa) periods, for comparative purposes. The second chapter provides evidence that processions of cult statues by boat and chariot, and offering before them at specific festivals and sites outside of temples were relatively common events. As cult images of the deified kings were among those so treated, it is clear that the Ur III kings saw the benefit of these practices, with their concomitant festivities, banquets and entertainment, for publicizing their own cult among the largely illiterate populace. In addition, I analyzed the movements and activities of the king himself, as recorded in the administrative archives. These show that the kings were frequently in the public eye as they traveled, mainly by boat, among the cities of southern Babylonia, to ritual events both in- and outside of temple settings. The third chapter addresses the issue of the effect of the concerted efforts to publicize the king's cult on the population at large. settling on onomastics as the best proxy for determining the public's reaction available. Two hundred and sixty-seven individual names in which the name of the deified king was used as a theophoric element are identified, with Šulgi, the second Ur III king and the first of that dynasty to be deified during during his life, the most popular honorée by far. I examine the statements that the holders of these names are making about a particular divine king, and show that virtually all such names have a counterpart incorporating the name of a traditional deity. I also provide a representative sampling of the people who were given or had adopted such names in terms of their sex, ethnicity, and job title or function in order to determine if this practice was limited to a particular demographic, and conclude that it was widespread, affecting all levels of society. From this I deduce that the deliberate efforts of the kings to popularize their cult may be termed successful. An appendix contains two tables summarizing the onomastic material. Table A lists all of the names in which the king's was incorporated as the theophoric element, along with their translation. Table B provides the data that was used to differentiate among the individual persons who bore one of the names listed in Table A. / Near Eastern Languages and Civilizations

While the “Second Cretan Lie” of Odyssey xix 199–359 and xvii 417–44 is presented as fictional tales within Homer’s larger myth, some elements have striking analogs in Late Bronze–Early Iron Age reality. This thesis examines these portions of the hero’s false ainos within their fictive context for the purpose of identifying and evaluating those elements. Particular focus is given to Odysseus’ declaration that he led nine successful maritime raids prior to the Trojan War; to his twice–described ill–fated assault on Egypt; and to his claim not only to have been spared in the wake of that Egyptian raid, but to have spent a subsequent seven years in the land of the pharaohs, during which he gathered great wealth. Through a comparative examination of literary and archaeological evidence from the Late Bronze–Early Iron transition in the Eastern Mediterranean, it is shown that these aspects of Odysseus’ stories are not only reflective of the historical reality surrounding the time in which the epic is set, but that Odysseus’ fictive experience is remarkably similar to that of one specific member of the ‘Sea Peoples’ groups best known from 19th and 20th dynasty Egyptian records: the ‘Sherden of the Sea.’

This study examines the connection between architecture and economy in Mycenaean Greece; it is a deep investigation of economic theory and models of the Mycenaean economy, existing methods for the study of prehistoric architecture, and particular Mycenaean structures. Over the course of the study, I present current thinking on the Mycenaean economy and fundamentally rethink the concept of economic embeddedness and human agency. With a novel theoretical grounding, I present a methodology based in human action to study the intersection of architecture and the Mycenaean economy, and in three detailed case studies, I apply the methodology to the Treasury of Atreus at Mycenae, the harbor town of Kalamianos in the Corinthia, and the Northeast Extension of Mycenae's fortification wall. I argue that to advance the study of Mycenaean economy and theory, the concept of economic embeddedness, which posits that economic actions and decisions are bounded by larger social concerns, must be rethought. In its place, I offer a theory of complex embeddedness that envisions human action as fluid and cross-cutting traditionally circumscribed categories of economy, society, and polity. This foundation in human action with it links to agency theory helps to move the study of architecture away from the static sociopolitical meaning of the final built form and towards the human processes of construction. Under the guidance of this theory, I envision construction as a form of production in which individuals interact with one another and the material world to build a structure. I ultimately use the term architectural production to label this novel viewpoint. To study architectural production at a range where human actions and agency matter, I advance a methodology that draws together architectural energetics, chaîne opératoire, and tools from the construction management industry. I argue that architectural energetics offers a starting point for studying architectural production, but that existing applications of architectural energetics have placed too much weight on summed labor-costs and macroscale typologies. By reformulating architectural energetics with a focus on the chaîne opératoire, or operational sequence, and by using construction management tools to investigate the dynamic nature of the chaîne opératoire, I propose a method that builds on architectural energetics' basis in labor-costs to explore the temporal and spatial configuration of architectural production. With the method, I reconstruct and detail processes of architectural production, model the ordering of human-centric production tasks and patterns of labor organization, explore timeframes for the completion of structures under different conditions, and isolate how active human agents move through space and time during architectural production. I apply the method to the Treasury of Atreus at Mycenae, the town of Kalamianos in the Corinthia, and the Northeast Extension of Mycenae's fortification wall. For each, I collate published data and field observations to recreate the structures in 3-D CAD models, profoundly contemplate the entire process of production from the planning stages to the finishing touches, investigate the spatiotemporal configuration of labor during production, and stress the plethora of human choices and actions that occurred in the production of these structures. Finally, I fold my study of each structure into larger topics that engage models of the Mycenaean economy, including decision making and group interactions during architectural production, the creation of architectural monumentality and power, and the administration and compensation of builders. I argue for a networked view of the Mycenaean economy that builds on close range analyses of human acts of production; the acts of architectural production that I stress in this study were a complex and integral part of this networked Mycenaean economy. Four supplementary PDF files are included with this study. They form part of the application of my methodology to the Treasury of Atreus at Mycenae, the harbor town of Kalamianos in the Corinthia, and the Northeast Extension of Mycenae's fortification wall. The supplementary files (Supplements 1–4) are referenced in Chapter 7. / A Dissertation submitted to the Department of Classics in partial fulfillment of the Doctor of Philosophy. / Spring Semester 2016. / March 28, 2016. / Architectural Energetics, Architecture, Economic Theory, Greek Bronze Age, Labor, Mycenaean / Includes bibliographical references. / Daniel J. Pullen, Professor Directing Dissertation; John O. Sobanjo, University Representative; Christopher A. Pfaff, Committee Member; James P. Sickinger, Committee Member.

This dissertation examines Roman history during the first centuries BCE and CE through the lens of food. Starting at the end with an exegesis of Juvenal’s Satires, I focus on his main gastronomic stereotypes, foods that distinguish people by class. First, I evaluate the bread, the boar, and the turbot as part of Roman culture in order to determine their veracity as stereotypes. Then, by tracing the changing role of these foods from the late Republic through the early Empire, I consider Juvenal’s underlying message in their use. This method has produced some rather compelling conclusions. The successes of the plebs in acquiring and protecting the frumentatio (free grain distribution) define the history of republican politics and imperial administration. Rather than reading panem et circenses (bread and circuses) as a derogatory statement about the lack of political will among the people, I argue that Juvenal is sarcastically acknowledging the people’s victories and their prudence in avoiding frivolous aspirations. Also, the boar was the quintessential meat of Rome, largely thanks to the market subsidy of the frumentatio. Men like Juvenal’s Virro who wish to emulate the extravagant dinners of Roman cuisine but lack the will or ability to treat their guests equally find the monetization of client services a convenient excuse to practice disparity at the cena recta (formal dinner), a trend which reflects the mounting inadequacies of the institution of patronage and the increasing reliance upon currency and markets. Finally, fish metaphors in literature almost always represent excess, and Juvenal’s specific use of the turbot exemplifies the importance of size to Domitian’s, and his court’s, concept of empire. Likewise, the cenatio (dining-hall) at the Domus Flavia reflects the emperor’s appropriation of absolute authority and jurisdiction. This exploration of gastronomic stereotypes in Juvenal validates and encourages the use of food as a historical lens for detecting fundamental changes in politics, economy, society, and empire. / A Dissertation submitted to the Department of Classics in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. / Fall Semester 2016. / November 7, 2016. / cena recta, Domus Flavia, food and identity, frumentatio, Juvenal, Rome / Includes bibliographical references. / Laurel Fulkerson, Professor Directing Dissertation; David Levenson, University Representative; Trevor Luke, Committee Member; Andrea De Giorgi, Committee Member.

Tyrants play a major role in Greek literature and political philosophy, and occupy a certain prominence on the tragic stage. Many city-states, from Athens to Syracuse to Heraclea on the Black Sea, experienced periods in which tyrants exercised power over political life. The prevalent idea of the Greek experience of tyranny is that it was a bad, undesirable form of government. This study departs from this view and embarks on a reconsideration of tyranny and Greek attitudes toward it by looking at how tyrants are portrayed in sources outside of the ancient political theorists, such as Plato and Aristotle. When we explore accounts of Greek tyrants in the historical sources, we find within them a cacophony of voices, recording different perspectives as well as the variety and hybridity of different models of tyranny. Analyzing this cacophony of voices systematically in a thematic and diachronic study of ancient Greek tyranny reveals the sophistication of attitudes toward tyrants; and demonstrates that writers of historical works recognized forms of tyranny aside from the negative, simplistic model advanced in philosophical discussions. In the end, conceptualizing tyranny as a form of sole rule that is limited neither spatially nor temporally sheds light on the endurance of tyranny throughout the Archaic, Classical, and Hellenistic eras. / A Dissertation submitted to the Department of Classics in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. / Spring Semester 2016. / April 25, 2016. / Archaic period, Classical period, historian, tyranny, tyrants / Includes bibliographical references. / James Sickinger, Professor Directing Dissertation; Rafe Blaufarb, University Representative; John Marincola, Committee Member; Jessica Clark, Committee Member.

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This thesis is an attempt to introduce the governor of to-day to the work of their earliest predecessors, in the belief that it will prove to be, if not always an example, at least of considerable relevance to the problems of modern administration. The purpose of the thesis is to construct a history of the governorship (al-wilaya) and the governors (al-wulat).

Despite a renewed interest in scholarship about archaic warfare, hoplites, Homeric society, and several other related areas, archery in Archaic Greece has managed to escape comprehensive study for half a century. Scholarship on the subject stands in urgent need of update and revision. Certain erroneous beliefs about archery have become canonical and are dangerous impediments to academic progress in those areas of study that require an accurate and nuanced understanding of archers or archery. I conclude that, contrary to popular opinion, there was no point in Greek history when the bow was not used. Rather, it was used in a variety of ways to support, supplement, and complement heavily armed infantrymen. Although archery could be effective, especially against horses and light-armed men, the bow was not as effective against heavily armed infantrymen for the simple reason that arrows would not often have been able to penetrate Greek armor. This factor did not, however, mean that the bow was impotent or "the feeble weapon of a worthless man." My study of wounds, their treatment, infection, and the potential use of arrow toxins adds a fruitful and previously unexplored perspective on the risks involved with facing an archer and some of the psychological considerations of doing so. In a form of warfare wherein armies were so heavily dependent upon morale and so easily compromised by fear, an arrow was a weapon of terror. Moreover, dying six days after a battle of tetanus did not accord with the hoplites' ideal of a `beautiful death' - one of the prospects that fortified a warrior as he girded himself for what was surely a horrifying ordeal. I also argue that the identity of archers changed over time. Early on, warriors might use a variety of weapons and the bow might have been used by just about anyone. Later, with the advent of the hoplite phalanx, archers became light-armed specialists. While convention holds that these archers were Scythian or Cretan mercenaries, I prove that there is no compelling reason to believe that this was so. The archers were Greek and likely derived from the lower classes of citizens. Moreover, despite its ideological demotion among the elite, the bow did not carry an actively negative association until the Persian Wars in the early 5th century B.C.E. In sum, the treatment of archery in the Archaic period is considerably more nuanced than many scholars have allowed.