In 1926 the Kruger National Park in South Africa became the first national park in Africa to accept visitors. Since that date there has been a propaganda campaign to convince people outside of the administration of the importance of the national park project and the value of the wildlife inside the parks. As a large tract of land in a land-hungry region of the country, the Kruger Park required both political and public support to ensure its survival. This attempt to communicate with the public is the subject of my thesis. The idea of the national park, and the natural world that it contained, altered dramatically since 1926. At times the message was tightly managed, and at others that control was loosened. As various interests intervened and encroached, new discourses developed and struggled for influence. Contained within the messages around the park and its wildlife were ulterior strands and ideologies that impacted in various ways on the idea of the national park. Nationalism, race, gender, class and status all became constituent parts of a heterogeneous construction. My thesis interrogates those strands within the discourse on the Kruger National Park. In 1967 the Manyeleti game reserve, on the western borders of the Kruger Park, became the first segregated game reserve for the exclusive use of black South Africans. Through this parallel project African visitors, who had been generally ignored in the Kruger Park setting, became the focus of propaganda efforts intended for a black audience. Race, gender, and class merged with the environmental messages in this unique setting to create new directions in conservationist rhetoric. My thesis sets these diverse messages communicated at Manyeleti alongside those transmitted through and about the Kruger Park.

No abstract available.

No abstract available.

Thesis (MA (History))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Farm tourism is a fast growing industry in South Africa and internationally. It not only supplements farmers’ income, but can also contribute to social and economic developments in rural areas. Before farm tourism can be implemented it is important to evaluate a farm and its surrounding district to assess whether it can be a successful enterprise. Certain norms are applied in the process of assessment. An assessment was done of the farms Soutpan and Sewefontein, and also the districts of Calvinia and Nieuwoudtville. The location of the farms and surrounding areas were evaluated according to climate, ecology and geology. Tourist attractions on the farms and surrounding areas were also evaluated. The study offers a cultural historical perspective on farm tourism: the history of the farms and their owners is discussed, as well as the architecture with regard to style, the materials and building methods. Daily life and farm activities of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries are investigated. This includes aspects of intangible culture, such as word art (including place names and names of persons), as well as weatherlore. Tested against the system of norms, it would be possible to run a farm tourism industry on Soutpan, because there are several attractions to entice tourists to the farm. The Karoo topography and isolation of the farm will however not be acceptable to all tourists. A few of the farm buildings are derelict and extensive capital investment will be needed to repair them. Extensive marketing will also be necessary to successfully advertise and run the farm as a tourist venture. Sewefontein, on the other hand, complies to all the relevant norms and has already been established as a successful farm tourism enterprise. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Plaastoerisme is in Suid-Afrika en in die buiteland ‘n snelgroeiende bedryf. Dit vul nie net die boer se inkomste aan nie, maar kan ook ‘n suksesvolle bydrae lewer tot die sosiale en ekonomiese ontwikkeling van plattelandse streke. Alvorens plaastoerisme bedryf word, is dit belangrik om ‘n waardebepaling van ‘n plaas en die omgewing waarin dit geleë is, te maak, om te bepaal of plaastoerisme suksesvol bedryf sal kan word. Dié waardebepaling word aan die hand van sekere norme gedoen. ‘n Waardebepaling van die plase Soutpan en Sewefontein en die Calvinia- en Nieuwoudtvilleomgewings is gedoen. Die ligging van die plase en die omgewing is geëvalueer ten opsigte van klimaat, plantegroei en geologie, terwyl toeriste-aantreklikhede op die plase en in die omgewing ook ondersoek is. Die studie bied ‘n kultuurhistoriese perspektief op plaastoerisme: die geskiedenis van die plase en hulle eienaars is bespreek, asook die argitektuur in terme van styl, boumateriaal en boumetodes. Die daaglikse lewe en plaasaktiwiteite van die negentiende en twintigste eeu is ondersoek. Dit sluit aspekte van geestelike kultuur soos volkswoordkuns (onder meer plekname en persoonsname) en volksweerkunde in. Getoets aan die normesisteem sou dit wel moontlik wees om plaastoerisme op Soutpan te bedryf aangesien daar heelwat aantreklikhede is wat toeriste daarheen sou kon lok. Die Karoo-topografie en afgesonderheid van die plaas sal egter nie by alle toeriste byval vind nie. Van die geboue op die plaas is reeds vervalle en groot kapitale inset en intensiewe bemarking sal nodig wees om plaastoerisme suksesvol te bedryf. Sewefontein voldoen goed aan die normesisteem en plaastoerisme kan, en word reeds, suksesvol daar bedryf.

In the year 1877, during a lull in the Eastern Question, the English newspapers discovered South Africa. There a Dutch republic, the Transvaal, had all but succumbed to the onslaughts of a native chief - or so it seemed; and now it was annexed to the British Crown. Clearly, this was a corner of the world of which, as its colonists boasted, England would hear much more; and Parliament was shortly to set its seal of approval upon Lord Carnarvon’s essay in imperial architecture, South African Confederation. Intro., p. 1.

Please read the abstract in the section 00front of this document / Dissertation (MA (Architecture))--University of Pretoria, 2005. / Architecture / unrestricted

AFRIKAANS: In Suid-Afrika het 'n onderhandelde oorgang na demokrasie van 1992 af tot 1996 voorgekom waartydens twee grondwette deur die betrokke politieke partye onderhandel is. Die eerste bydrae in die studie is dat aangetoon word dat die Suid¬-Afrikaanse voorbeeld van die onderhandelde oorgang die siening in die literatuur ondersteun dat politieke partye 'n belangrike rol in die uitvoering van oorgangstake kan vervul indien hul oor die vermoë beskik. Die hoof vakkundige probleem wat in die studie gestel is, is of die grondwetlike onderhandelingsprosesse daarop dui of daar 'n noodwendige verhouding is tussen die verwesenliking van 'n party se standpunte in 'n grondwet, en die politieke mag waaroor 'n party beskik. 'n Analise van die standpunte van die drie grootste partye in vergelyking met die onderhandelingsresultate het getoon dat daar wel 'n verhouding bestaan tussen die verwesenliking van die hoeveelheid standpunte in 'n grondwet en die politieke mag waaroor 'n party beskik. Waar die twee hoofpartye (die ANC en die NP) ten opsigte van die 1993-Grondwet in 'n relatiewe magsewewig tot mekaar was, is 'n kompromie tussen die NP se hoofdoelwit van magsdeling en die ANC se hoofdoelwit van meerderheidsregering basies getref deurdat kernaspekte van beide hierdie hoofdoelwitte verwesenlik is. Met die 1996-Grondwet, waar die ANC oor die groter politieke mag beskik het, is die grondwetlike resultaat nader aan die hoofdoelwit van meerderheidsregering as aan magsdeling. Die IVP het aan beide onderhandelingsprosesse onttrek, maar sodoende is die invloed van die magsbalans tussen die partye op die grondwetlike resultaat nie ontduik nie. Die rede is dat dié party nie daarin geslaag het om die oorhoofse beleidsdoelwit van 'n opvallende federale bedeling wat baie gedesentraliseerd is te realiseer nie. 'n Verdere bydrae in die studie is dat aangetoon is hoe suksesvol partye tot die bereiking van 'n demokratiese ooreenkoms in Suid-Afrika bygedra het. In hierdie verband is 'n oorhoofse onderhandelingsingesteldheid met behulp van 'n raamwerk geïdentifiseer wat elke party met onderhandelinge gevolg het. 'n Party dra hiervolgens suksesvol tot die bereiking van 'n demokratiese ooreenkoms by deur 'n basiese balans te handhaaf tussen 'n samewerkende onderhandelingsingesteldheid (waardeur die onderhandelingsverhouding bevorder word) en 'n handhawende onderhandelingsingesteldheid (waardeur ondersteuners se belange bevorder word). Die ANC het ten opsigte van die 1993-Grondwet min of meer sodanige balans gehandhaaf ('n effens meer samewerkende as handhawende ingesteldheid), terwyl die klem van die Party na die verwesenliking van die belange van ondersteuners verskuif het ('n meestal handhawende ingesteldheid) met die onderhandeling van die 1996¬Grondwet. Die NP het ook ten opsigte van die 1993-Grondwet sodanige basiese balans gehandhaaf (effens meer handhawend as samewerkend), terwyl 'n ingesteldheid van meer samewerkend as handhawend ten opsigte van die daarstelling van die 1996-Grondwet openbaar is. Die IVP se onderhandelingstyl van vermyding, deurdat aan beide grondwetskrywende prosesse onttrek is, het beteken dat die Party nie 'n bewussyn openbaar het dat dit noodsaaklik is om ook toegewings te doen ten einde 'n wedersyds aanvaarbare oplossing te vind wat tot die vestiging van die demokrasie lei nie. ENGLISH: A negotiated transfer to democracy took place in South Africa from 1992 to 1996. In this period two constitutions were negotiated by the political parties concerned. The study shows, as a first contribution, that the South African example of the negotiated transfer supports the view in the literature that political parties can play an important role in the execution of tasks related to a transition, if they have the necessary capability. The main problem stated in the study is whether an analysis of the constitutional negotiation processes will show whether an inevitable relation exists between the realisation of the standpoints of a party in a constitution, and the political power of such a party. The standpoints of the three major parties compared with the negotiation results showed that there was indeed such a relation (between the realisation of the number of standpoints in a constitution and the political power of a party). The two major parties (the ANC and the NP) were in a relative balance of power with the negotiation of the 1993 Constitution, and a compromise was therefore reached between the NP's general policy goal of power sharing and the ANC's general policy goal of majority government. Core aspects of both these policy goals were realised. The ANC had the greater political power with the negotiation of the 1996 Constitution and the negotiation result was therefore closer to the policy goal of majority government than to power sharing. The IFP withdrew from both negotiation processes, but did not escape the influence of the balance of power between the parties so doing, because the general policy goal (of a strongly federal, decentralised system) were not achieved. The study further shows to what extent parties contributed successfully to the democratic agreement in South Africa. In this regard, a negotiation disposition that each party followed in negotiations was identified by means of a framework. A party contributes successfully to the realisation of a democratic agreement by achieving a basic balance between a cooperative disposition (through which the negotiation agreement is promoted) and an assertive disposition (through which the interests of supporters are promoted). The ANC managed to achieve such a basic balance regarding the 1993 Constitution (a disposition of being slightly more cooperative than assertive was identified), while the focus shifted to the realisation of the interests of supporters (a mostly assertive disposition) with the negotiation of the 1996 Constitution. The NP also achieved such a basic balance in regard to the 1993 Constitution (slightly more assertive than cooperative), while a disposition of more cooperative than assertive was shown in the realisation of the 1996 Constitution. The IFP's negotiation style of avoidance (in withdrawing from both constitution writing processes), meant that it did not reveal the consciousness that it is also necessary to make concessions in order to find a mutually acceptable solution that would lead to the establishment of democracy. / Thesis (PhD (Political Science))--University of Pretoria, 2007. / Political Sciences / unrestricted

Bibliography: p. 193-208. / The purpose of the research was to study changes that occurred in the material culture of the Cape during the period when the British took over control of the colony from the Dutch. There were three phases for investigation: the colony under the Dutch East India Company in the 18th century, twenty transitional years of interim British and Netherlands governments between 1795 and 1815, and the Cape as a British colony after 1815. An historical archaeological approach was applied to material remains surviving from those years, such as excavated artefacts, documents and buildings, that assumed these sources of material culture reflected the larger cultural, or cognitive, contexts in which they were conceived, made and used. Particular emphasis was placed on examination of household inventory manuscripts (lists of fixed and moveable properties, goods and chattels). Selected information from the inventories of more than 800 households was recorded, and further detailed analysis made of seventy-nine documents. Room-by-room appraisals indicate the layout (house plan), room numbers (house size), room names and activities (functions of spaces) within the house. These probate records thus provided invaluable information about houses, their contents and the placement of objects within the household, and could be investigated from the level of individual rooms on the day of appraisal to a range of houses over a number of years. By constituting the documentary evidence in a form compatible with assemblages of excavated artefacts, as a series uf space and time blocks, integrated information provided enhanced material cultural detail. Patterns were observed through time and across a range of regional and socio-economic situations. The first period covered a "I Dutch" Cape under the control of the eastern arm of the Dutch East India Company, but households were organised in a way distinctive to the Cape. Then there was a short period of relative freedom from governmental control, as transition was made from Dutch to British colonial status and trade options broadened, resulting in the wealthier urban households reflecting fashion, and to the benefit of many farmers. Finally, the Cape was fully incorporated into the networks of the British Empire, undergoing widespread adaptations to colonial society and changes in the material culture of households.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of South Africa, 2002.

Thesis (DPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis exanunes whether the historical consciousness of grade 10 youth would increase should there be an intervention facilitated for this purpose, that is that they would show a heightened consciousness of the relation between school history and current affairs, politics and other societal issues. This intervention comprises the My New World text produced within the populist historiographical tradition in South Africa. The notion of historical consciousness is defined as the complex relation between an interpretation of the past, a perspective of the present and expectations of the future ROsen (1989; 1994). The investigation comprised a theoretical and empirical component. The theoretical component is informed by the theories of epistemology, knowledge, schooling and curriculum. The empirical component is based on the Youth and History Survey conducted on historical consciousness amongst youth in Europe in the early 1990s. Both this study and the European study were conducted during periods of political transition. The chosen research methodology was that of triangulation, combining quantitative with qualitative methods. The quantitative component was based on the measurement used in the European study, and comprised an experimental pre-test and post-test research design, measuring "inside school" and "outside school" historical consciousness. The study was conducted in 8 grade 10 classrooms at 8 schools in Cape Town, representative of class, race, language and gender. The teachers acted as facilitators of the intervention. The conclusion reached in the research is that although the intervention resulted in an increased enthusiasm amongst individuals for school history and interest in political issues and an understanding for the present as in evidence from the qualitative data, this was not reflected in the quantitative data which showed no significant increase in the "inside school" nor "outside school" historical consciousness amongst youth of average 15 years in grade 10 history classrooms in Cape Town. It can therefore not be empirically concluded that when youth are exposed to populist history over a limited period that they would show an increased "outside school" or "inside school" historical consciousness even though an intervention might aim to increase such a consciousness. A significant finding is that the case for an already existent historical consciousness related to the variables of class and gender holds. Instead of increasing the levels of historical consciousness, the intervention resulted in a surfacing of long-held attitudes, perceptions and beliefs of people, society, the past, the present and the future. The intervention succeeded in bringing these complex layers of variables and related factors that impact on perceptions and attitudes to the surface. Given this complexity, it was also concluded that an empirical study of historical consciousness amongst youth through an intervention over a limited period of time is risky, if not of little value. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis ondersoek die vraag of die historiese bewussyn van graad 10-leerders sal toeneem indien daar vir hierdie doe I 'n intervensie sou plaasvind, met ander woorde of hulle 'n verhoogde bewussyn van die verhouding tussen die yak Geskiedenis op skool en sake van die dag, die politiek en ander gemeenskapsake sal aantoon. Die tersaaklike intervensie behels die teks van My New World wat daargestel is binne die raamwerk van die populistiese historiografiese tradisie in Suid-Afrika. Die begrip 'historiese bewussyn' kan omskryf word as 'n komplekse verhouding tussen die interpretasie van die verlede, 'n perspektief oor die hede, en verwagtinge oor die toekoms (Rusen 1989; 1994). Die ondersoek bevat 'n teoretiese sowel as 'n empiriese komponent. Die teoretiese komponent is gebaseer op epistemologiese, onderwys- en kurrikulumteoriee. Die empiriese komponent vind sy grondslag in die Youth and History Survey ondersoek oor historiese bewussyn wat in die vroee 1990' s onder Europese jongmense geloods is. Beide hierdie studie en die Europese navorsing is in tye van politieke oorgang onderneem. Die navorsingsmetode wat gebruik is, is die van triangulasie wat uit 'n kombinasie van kwantitatiewe en kwalitatiewe metodes bestaan. Die kwantitatiewe komponent lS gebaseer op die meting wat in die Europese studie gebruik is, en bestaan uit 'n eksperimentele voor- en natoets navorsingsontwerp wat die historiese bewussyn "binne" en "buite" skoolverband meet. Die studie is geloods in agt graad 10-klaskamers by agt skole in Kaapstad wat klas, ras, taal en geslag verteenwoordig het. Die betrokke onderwysers het as fasiliteerders vir die intervensie opgetree. Die gevolgtrekking waartoe in die ondersoek geraak is, is dat, alhoewel die intervensie tot verhoogde entoesiasme vir Geskiedenis as skoolvak en tot belangstelling in politieke kwessies en 'n begrip van die hede onder individuele leerders gelei het (soos afgelei kon word uit kwalitatiewe data), hierdie tendens nie weerspieel is deur die kwantitatiewe data nie: eersgenoemde het nie 'n beduidende verhoging in die historiese bewussyn "binne" of "buite" skoolverband onder leerders met 'n gemiddelde ouderdom van 15 jaar getoon nie. Daar kan dus nie empiries tot die gevolgtrekking geraak word dat wanneer leerders vir 'n beperkte tyd aan populistiese geskiedenis blootgestel word, hulle 'n verhoogde historiese bewussyn "binne" of "buite" skoolverband sal aantoon nie, selfs al sou so 'n intervensie dit weI ten doel he om so 'n bewussyn te verhoog. 'n Beduidende bevinding is dat daar 'n saak uitgemaak kan word vir 'n reeds bestaande historiese bewussyn wat in verband staan met die veranderlikes van klas en geslag. In plaas daarvan om die vlakke van historiese bewussyn te verhoog het die intervensie die gevolg gehad dat lank bestaande houdings, persepsies en oortuigings oor mense, die gemeenskap, die verlede, die he de en die toekoms, na die oppervlak beweeg het. Die intervensie het dus daarin geslaag om hierdie komplekse lae veranderlikes en verwante faktore wat persepsies en houdings beinvloed, na die oppervlak te bring. In die lig van die kompleksiteit hiervan, is daar ook tot die gevolgtrekking geraak dat 'n empiriese studie van historiese bewussyn onder jongmense oor 'n beperkte tyd deur middel van intervensie riskant is, indien nie van min waarde nie.