This thesis aims to show, how periodization and race converged vigorously during the nineteenth century. The research focuses mainly on the question of how nineteenth century historians viewed the transformation from Antiquity to the Middle Ages. For many scholars, the year 476 A.D. became associated with the fall of Rome. During the nineteenth century, historians elaborated two main arguments: 1) 'The Roman' emphasized the decline that had occurred after the fall of Rome. 2) 'The Teutonic' signified the rejuvenation which the German tribes had brought about in the decaying Empire. Although I relate to the 'Roman' argument, the heart of the discussion is devoted to the 'Teutonic' school that was supported not only by German but also by British or more accurately English historians. The first part of the dissertation is devoted to the theme of 'Community and Race'. In this part, I engage with the thematic question of how the historians of the second half of the nineteenth century constructed past and present communities through the concept of race. A close community or Gemeinschaft of English and German historians emerged during the middle of the nineteenth century. Based on the concept of Teutonic kinship, this community emphasized the notions of race and historical time, which actually invented a new sense of belonging. The English and the Germans were one, an almost indivisible community founded on a purported notion of race. Despite several national or particularistic inclinations, these nations had a common Teutonic past, which always bonded them together. Therefore, the historians 'imagined' a new ultimate transnational (racial) community of belonging. In the second part I study the theme of 'Time'. The linkage between the two parts is embedded in the idea of the Community as a 'Time Maker'. Namely, in what manner does the construction of a community by the historians defines the division of time. The chapter that links the two themes of 'Community' and 'Time' examines the writings of scholars in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries who underlined the Germanic invasions of the 4th and 5th centuries A.D. as the events that symbolized the fall of Rome and the end of Antiquity. This governing observation is connected directly with the racial Teutonic feelings that were prevalent among English and German historians. The discussion of it set the framework for the following chapters, which delve into the distinct periodization's of Edward Augustus Freeman (1823-92) and John Bagnell Bury (1861-1927). These historians, who were in constant and close contact until the death of Freeman in 1892, reveal similarities as well as major differences in their historical writings. The main reason why they were chosen derives from the new periodization which they had adopted. Both of them devised a method that signified a departure from the accepted and almost 'sacred' division between Antiquity and the Middle Ages.

Although the Liber Historiae Francorum is the only surviving contemporary chronicle which treats the fifty years spanning the turn of the seventh to the eighth century in Frankish Gaul, it has been generally mistrusted by students of the period. This thesis is an attempt to discover whether the reputation is just or whether the chronicle might yield new information about the later Merovingian age. In so doing it asks three questions: 1) Is the work's latest edition, which is now nearly 100 years old, still the best version of the text we can achieve? 2) How accurate is the LHF's description of events? 3) Does a study of the author and his attitudes yield any insight into the nature of late Merovingian politics and society? The study concludes that the edition is an accurate rendering of the surviving manuscripts and an adequate basis for study of the work. This is true despite the fact that the contents of one early manuscript, which was unknown to the work's editor, calls into question the currently held assumptions concerning order, date, and composition of the LHF's recensions. Although the chronicle does indeed contain many errors in its earlier parts, for the period from the 650's (LHF-43) to the end of the work, there are a surprising number of instances where its version of events is either as believable as or more probable than the currently accepted view. An analysis of the author and his attitudes outlines a picture of late Merovingian politics as conducted by factions of leading Neustrians, whom the chronicler calls the Franci, and who could find unity in the loyalty due the legitimate Merovingian king.

This thesis addresses two key problems: that historical practice in the academy is largely disengaged from politics as a domain of public purpose and that policymaking remains fixed on a very narrow (and quantitative) definition of evidence, although the “policy-relevant” disciplines have not proved able to solve long-standing policy issues. It inspects both phenomena with the aim of describing the space in which the two problems can be brought into a workable accommodation. The argument is made that public policy should be regarded as an important concern of academic history, and policymakers themselves as people with legitimate interests that historians should take seriously. Public history provides a helpful framework and set of concerns to work with in this respect. Given that the social and natural sciences have not been able to solve the pressing policy problems with which governments are faced, a certain obligation may be claimed for historians to reconsider their stance. The re-connection of history and policy – the nineteenth-century discipline clearly discerned a public-political purpose for history – requires attention to be given to articulating and demonstrating the distinctive cognitive tools of the historian and their distinctive value to the policymaking process. The thesis addresses two primary fields, whose interests and professional practices appear divergent such that both the principles and the terms of collaboration are difficult to imagine: academic history and government policymaking. The primary material on which the research draws is accordingly the products of these constituencies: works of historiography and policy documents of various kinds. Also of relevance are commentaries and analyses that address these domains, whether from other disciplines with an interest in political decision-making, from the media or from other organisations with a professional stake, such as think tanks. The originality of the research lies in conceiving of the question of the uses of history for public policy as one of integration of “supply” and “demand” perspectives. It seeks clarity on the distinctive value of historical skills and approaches, but not as an end in itself. Rather, the case is assembled for the affinities between history and policy as processes and hence that the two can be brought into a productive alignment. So, instead of history providing pre-packaged accounts for policy, it can be embedded as a way of thinking and reasoning in policy.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2000. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 360-368).

Over the eighteenth century, ancient history was increasingly read in English, appearing in new forms and interpretations. This reflected the development of history in universities as a subject not merely read, but taught. This teaching took on many forms: serving as a predecessor to other studies, building a knowledge base of case studies for 'higher' subjects, or (increasingly) an independent subject. What ancient history was taught, how was it taught, why was it taught, and what did students go on to use it for? Ancient history as an independent subject had a limited role in the curriculum despite the foundation of Chairs of History in most universities. When it was taught as such, the focus was on explaining modern institutions via ancient comparisons; on the training of statesmen by classical examples; or, more rarely, on demonstrating a particular conception of social development. These uses of history could be seen across both national and subject boundaries. Whilst differences between universities are evident, evidence in the teaching of history suggests the absolute dichotomy between the English and Scottish systems has been overstated. The interesting case of Trinity College Dublin suggests common features across Britain in how 'liberal education' was conceived of and how history fit into it. The practical application of ancient history to the education of statesmen may be seen in the variety of ways it was used in political discourse. This is explored mainly in Parliament, the ultimate destination of the "statesmen" in whose training history was supposed to play a large part, via debates over questions of empire and imperial rights in the second half of the eighteenth century. Superior knowledge of ancient history constituted a rhetorical claim to the twin statuses of gentleman, being classically-educated, and statesman - showing understanding of historical context and precedent.

This critical examination of the concept of cultural heritage is based on an overall phenomenological approach, with focus on Alfred Schütz’s further development of Edmund Husserl’s idea of the lifeworld. With strong emphasis on the subjective and intersubjective dimensions, the concept of cultural heritage is contextualized, analysed and criticized from different aspects for the purpose of enriching the discourse of cultural heritage. A literature based methodology is used, including a hermeneutic analysis of theoretical texts in the field of cultural heritage studies and the new Swedish Culture Environmental Law (“Kulturmiljölagen”) and related bills. Qualitative interviews deal with people’s notions about the concepts of culture, cultural heritage and intangible cultural heritage. Finally, this study includes field observations of the Mount Dajti National Park in Albania, involving a visual methodology (photos) and non-visual field notes. A linguistic analysis with a gender perspective, finds that the concept of cultural heritage can be criticized for its patriarchal connotations. The central issue with the concept of cultural heritage concerns its involvement in the complexity of fixed notions and definitions, causing arbitrariness and ambivalence. The interview data indicates a strong connection between cultural heritage and history, despite their distinction. The field observations verify this complexity through an account of the relationship between cultural and natural heritage. The constitutions and values of cultural heritage are established within the Authorized Heritage Discourse (AHD), obviating alternative notions of heritage. Thence, this thesis stresses the importance of going beyond the discursive frames and of transparency and critical reflection within the field of cultural heritage. Phenomena can always be interpreted in a subjective or intersubjective way, leading to dissonant and contested heritage, and a new term called “life values”. This is a two-year master’s thesis in Archive, Library and Museum studies.

John Bellenden's Chronicles of Scotland (1531-r. 1537) is a humanist Scots translation of Hector Boece's Scotorum Historia (1527). As the first full-scale printed national history in the vernacular, the Chronicles assumed a pivotal role in sixteenth-century Scottish literary culture. Despite its contemporary importance,however, relatively little critical attention has been paid to Bellenden's work itself, primarily due to the misconception that it is a neutral translation of the Scotorum Historia. However, as Bellenden successively revised his text in several stages with stylistical, ideological and material alterations, the Chronicles needs to be evaluated as an individual literary work. The <en>Chronicles reveals much about translation practice, cultural attitudes and book history in early modern Scotland. This thesis situates John Bellenden as a leading vernacular humanist whose concern to heighten the quality of vernacular Scots gave major impetus to the vernacular tradition in Scottish historiography. Chapter 1 shows how Bellenden's overall translation policy is indebted to humanist literary precepts and shows how its embodiment evolves through the course of his revision work. The following three chapters, which deal with Books 1, 12 and 16 of the Chronicles respectively, demonstrate the changing nature of Bellenden's translation and revision practice. A comparative analysis of the first manuscript version, three intermediary manuscript versions and the final printed version exhibits how Bellenden's attitude towards the Chronicles is affected by his ultimate respect for humanistic quality, and his consideration of his patrons and his audience. Chapter 5 examines the contemporary reception of the Chronicles. The conclusion seeks to reevaluate the congruity of the Chronicles with the contemporary cultural milieu and its influence on subsequent historiography and literature within and outwith early modern Scotland.

« [M]oi, qui ne sçay rien, m’en suis voulu mesler » : Blaise de Monluc dit se « mêler » d’écrire l’histoire pour se distinguer des historiographes « lettrés », comme le font également, à la même époque, les frères du Bellay. Tous font cependant valoir leurs jugements sur l’action politique dans l’histoire : ils écrivent sur l’histoire plutôt qu’ils n’écrivent l’histoire. Ainsi Montaigne insiste, dans les Essais, sur la nécessité de savoir juger l’histoire et ses acteurs. La distinction générique qui oppose l’histoire aux Mémoires, aux « Commentaires » et aux « essais » s’avère peu opérante pour comprendre ces auteurs. Je propose d’aborder leur rapport à l’histoire sous l’angle de « l’histoire-jugement », une histoire écrite par ses acteurs, qui porte sur l’action politique (les « faits » et les « dits » dans la langue du XVIe siècle) et sur les « conseils », c’est-à-dire les intentions et délibérations des acteurs. La première partie explique l’importance qu’a prise l’histoire-jugement au temps de François Ier, en raison, d’abord, des idéologies et des pratiques de la monarchie contemporaine, puis par la « renaissance » de traditions philosophiques, rhétoriques et historiographiques qui associent le conseil au discernement (ou « discrétion »), aux discours (« concions » ou conciones) et à la franchise (ou parrêsia). Le règne de François Ier voit se nouer ces pratiques et ces traditions : les humanistes, la noblesse d’épée et l’État royal appellent de leurs vœux une histoire-jugement destinée à la formation des élites politiques. La deuxième partie montre qu’un auteur, Guillaume du Bellay de Langey, et une œuvre, ses Ogdoades, ont incarné cette aspiration, réunissant les lettres et les armes. Après avoir étudié la naissance de cette œuvre restée inachevée, j’analyse le Prologue des Ogdoades (ici édité), manifeste et méthode qui définit les rapports de la rhétorique, du jugement et de l’expérience politique dans l’historiographie ; puis j’étudie la mise en œuvre de cette méthode dans les fragments des Ogdoades. La troisième partie porte sur l’œuvre des deux plus importants héritiers de Langey : les Mémoires de son frère Martin du Bellay (qui comprennent une partie des Ogdoades) et les Commentaires de Monluc. Le discours sur l’historiographie, dans la seconde moitié du XVIe siècle, insiste sur la parrêsia de l’historien ; un tel discours n’est pas anti-rhétorique mais rejette une écriture de « clerc d’armes » parce qu’elle révèle l’inexpérience politique de l’historien. L’ars bene dicendi ne laisse pas de fasciner Martin du Bellay et Monluc, dont l’écriture se veut paradoxalement éloquente, parce que dépouillée des fastes de l’épidictique ; la parrêsia des conseils permet de dépasser l’opposition du bien dire et du bien faire à laquelle on résume souvent la poétique des Mémoires d’épée. Monluc et Martin du Bellay cherchent ainsi à comprendre la portée et les limites de leur capacité d’agir. La quatrième partie examine la place de l’histoire-jugement et l’héritage de Langey dans les Essais : on sait depuis longtemps les affinités de Montaigne avec Amyot et Bodin, mais on ignorait qu’il en eût avec les Du Bellay. La notion d’histoire-jugement permet de comprendre les jugements, synthétiques et pourtant circonstanciés, que porte Montaigne sur les acteurs de l’histoire. Cherchant dans l’histoire les voies d’une prudence lucide, l’essayiste s’interroge sur la possibilité d’agir et de parler librement, ce qui autorise à penser son rapport à la politique et à la rhétorique en termes de conseil et de « discrétion ». La conclusion esquisse un moment Guillaume du Bellay, où l’histoire fut comprise non comme une étude du passé mais comme le prolongement réflexif des délibérations des acteurs de l’histoire, comme le moyen de « dire sur ce qui peut advenir ». / “I, who know nothing, have wanted to meddle in it”: Blaise de Monluc says he “meddles” in historiography in order to distinguish himself from “scholar” historians, as did the Du Bellay brothers who wrote at the same time. But they all express their views about political action through history: they write on history instead of writing history. Therefore Montaigne, in his Essays, emphasizes that one needs to be able to judge between history and the actors of history. The distinction between literary genres that opposes history to memoirs, “commentaries” and “essays”, fails to explain these authors’ relationship to history. I propose to consider this relationship from the perspective of “judging-history”, – a history written by its actors, focusing on political action (“faits” and “dits” in XVIth-century French) and the conseils (“counsels”, i.e. the actors’ designs and deliberations). The first section explains the importance of judging-history during the reign of Francis I, due to the prevalent ideologies and practices of French monarchy at the time, but also due to the contemporaneous revival of philosophical, rhetorical and historiographical traditions which link counsels with discernment (discrétion), speeches (concions) and sincerity (parrhesia). Under Francis I’s reign these practices and traditions were brought together. Indeed, humanists, the nobility of sword and the royal State called for a judging-history intended to train political elites. The second section demonstrates that an author, Guillaume du Bellay de Langey, and his work, the Ogdoades, embodied this hope, reconciling the pen and the sword. Having studied the birth of this unfinished work, I comment on the Ogdoades’s Prologue (edited in this thesis), a manifesto and method which defines the relationships between rhetoric, judgement and political experience within historiography. I then study this method’s implementation in the Ogdoades’s extant passages. The third section focuses on the works of two Langey’s most important heirs: his brother Martin du Bellay’s Memoirs and Monluc’s Commentaries. The artes historicae, in the second half of the XVIth century, emphasize the importance of parrhesia in historical writing: such a stance is not anti-rhetorical, but rather rejects the notion of authors writing as clercs d’armes (“clerks of arms”, i.e., scholars writing on military matters) because in their writings they reveal their lack of political experience. The ars bene dicendi continues to fascinate Martin du Bellay and Monluc, whose writing attempts to be paradoxically eloquent, because it has been stripped of epidictic pageantry; the counsels’ parrhesia make it possible to overcome the dichotomy between bien dire and bien faire – a dichotomy which is often supposed to characterize military memoirs’ poetics. Monluc et Martin du Bellay seek to understand the scope and limits of their own capacities for action. The fourth section examines the role of judging-history and Langey’s legacy in the Essays. For a long time we have known the affinities between Amyot, Bodin and Montaigne, but what we have ignored is Montaigne’s links with the Du Bellays. Such a notion as judging-history allows us to understand the synthetical and yet comprehensive judgments that Montaigne makes on the actors of history. Seeking a way to act in a clear-headed and prudent manner, the essayist examines the possibility to speak and act freely. Therefore, his relationship with politics and rhetoric should be rethought in terms of conseil and discrétion. My conclusion draws a Guillaume du Bellay moment when history was not considered as a study of the past but as the reflective extension of the actors of history’s deliberations and as a way to “dire sur ce qui peut advenir” (talk about what could happen next).

Originally presented as the author's Promotionsschrift--Freie Universität Berlin, 2002. / Includes bibliographical references (p. [717]-754) and index.

The four canonical Gospels describe the synagogues of the Land of Israel as the primary locus of the public activities of Jesus of Nazareth. Despite the prominence of synagogues in the extant accounts of Jesus’ life and career, academic research on early synagogues has not yet played a significant role in the study of the historical Jesus. This project incorporates the findings of recent research on ancient synagogues into the study of the historical Jesus. So doing helps to recover a piece of Jesus’ early Jewish context that has been frequently neglected or misunderstood in previous scholarship. This thesis has two related goals. The first is to contextualize Jesus’ activities in synagogues in light of current research on ancient synagogues. The second is to determine the role that the institution of the synagogue played in the aims of Jesus. I argue that the evidence indicates that the synagogue was intrinsic rather than incidental to Jesus’ mission, and that it was both the vehicle and the means by which he intended to realize his aim of the restoration of Israel. The historical investigation in this project helps to clarify our understanding of Jesus’ mission and also helps us to better understand the data involving synagogues in the Gospels. My examination of the evidence finds that the narratives involving synagogues in the Gospels accurately reflect an ancient synagogue setting, and can be better understood in light of current scholarship on synagogues. This speaks in favour of the historical plausibility of these narratives, and highlights the importance of the institutional setting of the synagogue for the interpretation of this data. / Dissertation / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) / The four canonical Gospels describe the synagogues of the Land of Israel as the primary locus of the public activities of Jesus of Nazareth. Despite the prominence of synagogues in the accounts of Jesus’ life and career, academic research on early synagogues has not yet played a significant role in the study of the historical Jesus. This project has two related goals. The first is to contextualize Jesus’ activities in synagogues in light of current research on ancient synagogues. The second is to determine the role that the institution of the synagogue played in the aims of Jesus. I argue that the evidence indicates that the synagogue was intrinsic rather than incidental to Jesus’ mission, and that it was both the vehicle and the means by which he intended to realize his aim of the restoration of Israel.