Tesi di perfezionamento--Pisa--Scuola superiore di studi universitari e di perfezionamento "S. Anna", 1995. / Bibliogr. p. 179-196.

O trabalho propõe uma investigação da relação entre a política e a religião. Como pano de fundo dessa indagação, inicialmente, duas abordagens são realizadas: uma antropológica e outra histórica. Ambas conduzem ao essencial: que a natureza do político é sagrada e, portanto, a intrincada relação entre a política e a religião deve ser pensada a partir da primazia do religioso sobre o político. Em confirmação a centralidade do religioso faz-se uma leitura de um momento chave da história do pensamento político moderno - o século XVII inglês, em específico e de modo representativo a teoria política de Thomas Hobbes - na qual procura-se demonstrar que não há dessacralização alguma do poder, pelo contrário, o elemento religioso é permanente e comanda toda a argumentação proposta por Hobbes que, de modo manifesto, estabelece a anteposição da religião no entendimento da política. / This thesis submits to examination the relationship between politics and religion. As a back-cloth of this investigation, at first, two approaches are going to be done: one anthropological and other historical. Both conduct to the essential: that the political nature is sacred and therefore, the intricate relation between politics and religion must be thought starting from the primacy of religious upon the politic. As a confirmation on centrality of religious is done a reading of a key moment of the History of the modern political thought - the XVII English century, specifically and in a representative way the political theory of Thomas Hobbes - in witch it-s going to be search that there isn\'t any desecularization of power, on the contrary, the religious element is permanent and rules all the argumentation proposed by Hobbes that in a explicit way settles that religion comes first in the understanding of politics.

A presente pesquisa trata da inter-relação entre a enunciação do ser e a política, tanto no Estado Civil, a partir do paradigma hobbesiano, como dentre os ameríndios. Em outras palavras, segue-se em busca das relações entre os sujeitos filosóficos e linguísticos destes enunciados. Para a compreensão desta inter-relação, o estudo parte das fontes antigas que engendram as formas hobbesianas para se concretizar os monopólios das fontes de poder pelo soberano, a saber força e inventio, bem como sua relação com as unidades descritivas das línguas modernas que possibilitam estas formas de monopólio. No caso dos ameríndios, compreender a relação entre a efetivação da democracia grega idealizada ou da cosmodeliberação e as estruturas linguísticas enunciativas que a proporcionam. No Estado Civil, o soberano descreve o ser delimitando sua existência, seus deveres e direitos. Dentre os ameríndios, não há alguém ou alguma instância que descreva de modo monopolizador o que é o ser. A apropriação de palavras alheias aos modos operandi ameríndio também é interesse deste estudo, pois são indícios enunciativos do encontro destes dois modos de se conduzir os homens, conformando a relação entre a descrição do ser pelo Estado civil e a descrição polifônica ameríndia sobre o cosmo / This research provides the interrelationship between the enunciation of the being and policy, both in the Civil State, from the Hobbesian paradigm, as among the Amerindians. In other words, from the interrelationship, there follows in search of the relations between philosophical and linguistic subject of these propositions. For the understanding of this interrelationship, this study start from of the ancient sources who generate the Hobbesian forms to achieve the monopoly of the sources of power by the sovereign, namely strength and inventio, as well as its relationship with the descriptive units of modern languages enable these forms of monopoly. In the case of the Amerindians, to understand the relationship between the effectiveness of the idealized greek democracy or cosmodeliberation and enunciatives linguistics structures makes this possible. In the Civil State, the sovereign describes the being delimiting their existence, their rights and duties. Among the Amerindians, there are no instances of someone or something that describes in the monopolistic way what is the being. The appropriation of strangers\' words to Amerindian modus operandi is also a concern of this study because they are evidence of the enunciative meeting of these two modes of leading the men, conforming the relationship between the description of the being by the Civil State and Amerindian polyphonic description of the cosmos

Orientador: Yara Adario Frateschi / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-14T08:48:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Segala_VaniaDantas_M.pdf: 518928 bytes, checksum: 63931e2937ece8594b282cdf259bfb66 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009 / Resumo: O presente trabalho pretende analisar os conceitos de razão e reta razão em Hobbes com o objetivo de compreender melhor o estatuto das leis de natureza nessa Teoria. Pois ainda que Hobbes afirme que a razão é frágil perante as paixões, que é capaz de erro e engano, que não é uma faculdade infalível, ele também nos diz que o uso diligente e rigoroso da razão possibilita a ciência bem como a dedução das regras de comportamento que conduzem à paz e à preservação de si. Como as leis de natureza são deduzidas a partir da razão, consideramos que uma investigação dessa faculdade, aliada à consideração da natureza humana, nos permite compreender melhor a questão da obrigação em Hobbes. Para tanto, pretendemos resgatar o uso que Hobbes faz dos termos razão e reta razão e comparar com os conceitos de razão e reta razão na tradição. Também nos propomos a tratar brevemente da questão da obrigação em Hobbes e como ela foi é compreendida pelos comentadores. / Abstract: The present work intends to analyze the reason and right reason in Thomas Hobbes. In this manner we aim to understand the operation of natural laws on this theory. Hobbes recognizes the fragility of reason confronted to passions, he tells us reason is prone to mistakes and deceive and it is not an infallible faculty. But in the other hand he supports that the very use of reason allows the existence of science, and through reason we can obtain that conduct rules necessary to lead us to self-preservation and peace. Since natural laws are deduced from reason, inquiring into this faculty allow us a better comprehension of the obligation in Hobbes. To achieve this, we intend to analyze the Hobbes's use of terms reason and right reason and proceed with a confrontation on traditional conceiving of reason and right reason. We also propose to deal briefly about obligation in Hobbes and how this subject is understood by Taylor e Warrender. / Mestrado / Filosofia / Filosofia

A presente dissertação tem dois objetivos que se entrecruzam. De um lado pretendemos analisar a maneira pela qual as paixões humanas foram compreendidas por Descartes, Hobbes e Espinosa. Pois em oposição a tradicional concepção segundo a qual a dimensão afetiva do homem, isto é, suas paixões são vícios e distúrbios da natureza, portanto, opostas à razão e à virtude, os três filósofos defendem o seu caráter natural. Em outras palavras, as paixões são intrínsecas ao homem, têm causas necessárias e determinadas, e não podem ser suprimidas de sua natureza, pois fazem parte da sua condição de ser no mundo. No entanto, pela força que exercem sobre o homem e suas ações devem ser conhecidas. A partir desse primeiro objetivo, e de maneira concomitante, pretendemos demarcar a singularidade do pensamento de Espinosa com relação ao de Descartes e Hobbes, pois se é certo que, como eles, Espinosa defende a naturalidade das paixões, é certo, na mesma medida, que assume um pensamento bastante singular, sobretudo ao operar com os conceitos de ação e paixão para explicar a relação que há entre mente e corpo: estes são ativos ou passivos juntos, o corpo não atua contra a mente, nem a mente contra o corpo. Isso evidencia sua ruptura não apenas com a tradição, mas também com seus contemporâneos. / The thesis hereafter aims to fulfill two interweaving goals. On the one hand, we pretend to analyze the way in which human passions were understood by Descartes, Hobbes, and Spinoza. As opposed to the traditional idea of mens affective dimension (i.e. their passions as vices and disturbances affecting nature, therefore opposed to reason and virtue), the three philosophers defend their natural characteristics, that is to say, that passions are intrinsic to men, have necessary and determined causes, and cant be stripped of its very nature, for they are part of their being within this world. However, given the force they exert upon men and their actions, they must be studied and known in order to be tempered. On the other hand, concomitantly, and guiding ourselves by the first goal, we pretend to pursue a second objective, which consists of highlighting the distinctiveness of Spinozas thinking in relation to Descartes and Hobbes. Whereas it is true that, as they also do, Spinoza advocates for the naturalness of passions, it is also true that he takes on a rather singular thinking, especially when dealing with action and passion concepts to explain mind-body relationships: these are either both active or passive, neither the body goes against the mind, nor vice-versa. This shows his rupture with tradition as well as with his contemporary fellows.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Florida State University, 2003. / Advisor: Dr. Peter Dalton, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Dept. of Philosophy. Title and description from dissertation home page (viewed Mar. 11,2004). Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (M. Phil.)--University of Hong Kong, 2000. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 179-204).

Diss.--Philosophischen Fakultät--Münster--Westfälischen Wilhelms-Universität, 1994. / Notes bibliogr. Bibliogr. p. [393]-417. Index.

Thesis advisor: Christoper Kelly / This dissertation seeks to explain why the two Western political thinkers best known for their thoughts on power came to have an utterly opposite understanding of political religion. In his writings on the Islamic revolution of 1979, Michel Foucault welcomed the leadership of the Iranian ayatollahs in the popular struggle against Western powers. In contrast, Hobbes accused religious authorities of promulgating superstitious doctrines which ultimately benefitted them while engulfing the society in civil wars. This dissertation argues that the two thinkers' contrasting assessments of political religion reflects their deepest theoretical commitments, which prove to be illustrative of modern rationalism, and its subsequent deconstruction by post-modernism. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2022. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Political Science.

In the seventeenth century a new science of motion emerged that later developed into what we call today classical mechanics. The epistemology of early modern mechanics was split between technical experimentation and mathematical formalisation. ‘Mechanicism’, Cartesianism in primis, was a philosophical project to both preserve the theoretical and technical efficacy of this science and integrate it into a new world picture. In this historical context mechanical philosophy therefore played a double role. On the one hand it was part of a revolutionary event opening new frontiers for materialist thought. On the other hand, as a world picture, it originated a new ideological framework for metaphysical dualism. This thesis uses this historical and philosophical background to radically reconsider the political theory of Thomas Hobbes. During the 1640s Hobbes’s scientia civilis progressively incorporated the dualistic epistemology of Descartes’s mechanicism into materialist philosophy by privileging one of the two structural features of modern science: the tendency towards ‘deduction’ rather than experimentation. This philosophical gesture, simultaneously epistemological and ideological, had considerable political consequences. For this reason Hobbes’s political theory will be read as an ideological response to the non-geometrical and non-mechanical functioning of ‘matter’, including ‘human matter’, evidenced by the threatening experimental practices carried on during the first half of the seventeenth century in both the Galilean science of nature and the English Civil War. My wider hypothesis is that this profoundly idealistic agenda still informs our understanding of nature and of the body politic. It reduces the open method of science to the outdated metaphysical picture of it provided by Descartes, and suffocates politics itself by neutralising the emergence of political conflict and experimentation, labelling them as not only inessential but also dangerous to the body politic. On the contrary, philosophical materialism invites us to understand the self-organising tendency of matter as an undeniable risk implicit in the functioning of all systems, the social system included.