Orientadores: Ricardo Antunes, Yves Sintomer / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-11T10:46:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 WhitakerVerri_NarcisaBeatriz_D.pdf: 8444951 bytes, checksum: ca0035a29f80c39206e48bb6d96f8361 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008 / Resumo: Este trabalho trata dos campos de ação dos movimentos sociais, os componentes e o papel dos atores. São três os compartimentos com os quais se pretende abrir e iniciar um aprendizado sobre um setor do movimento de moradia em São Paulo, durante o governo PT entre 2001-004, momento intermediário entre a fase de reestruturação da produção capitalista no país, iniciada por um governo neoliberal, e a sua consolidação por um governo que se reivindica de esquerda: o primeiro, no terreno da institucionalidade; o segundo, no domínio político; e o terceiro, no campo categorial. Os três implicando em questões próprias a outros movimentos, apresentando problemas cujas causas endógenas ou exógenas não são jamais exaustivas, vislumbrando perspectivas ainda não distinguidas, são desenvolvidos na tentativa de encontrar respostas aos fenômenos comuns à metrópoles como São Paulo. A observação empírica dos movimentos de moradia leva a constatações relativas à dinâmica dos movimentos em relação às políticas públicas, aos partidos, à sua condição de pertencer a um domínio categorial, o de ser composto majoritariamente por mulheres e migrantes, e de existir graças aos teólogos da libertação. Algumas delas, admitidas há algum tempo pelos estudiosos ou teóricos de movimentos sociais, outras negadas ou rejeitadas, mas nenhuma das constatações leva em consideração o caráter de interdependência entre os três compartimentos citados acima. Uma análise mais aprofundada mostra que os movimentos que lutam por problemas específicos, mesmo conscientes dos problemas do conjunto da sociedade, tendem a permanecerem isolados e marginalizados se não conseguem criar a necessária constituição das relações de força sob determinadas condições, das quais uma delas é a independência do aparelho do Estado, que paradoxalmente encontra-se comprometida há alguns anos no Brasil / Abstract: This thesis focuses on the fields of action of social movements, their components and the role of the participants. There are three categories from which a new perspective on a sector of the housing movement in São Paulo during the PT government from 2001 to 2004 will be developed. This was a period between the phase of restructuration of capitalist production in Brazil, introduced by a neo-liberal government and its consolidation by a government that claimed to be left. The first category is in institutional terms, the second in political terms and the thirdly the categorial realm. These three elements ¿ which imply questions specific to other movements, present problems whose internal or external causes are never fully covered, and raise perspectives not yet determined ¿ are developed in an attempt to find answers to the phenomena common to large urban areas such as São Paulo. The empiric observation of urban housing movements brings us to conclusions relating to the dynamic of movements vis-a-vis governmental and party policies, to their condition, which is to belong to a categorial realm, to be made up mainly of women and migrants and to exist thanks to liberation theologists. Some of these conclusions have been accepted for some time by researchers and social movement theorists, some have been denied or rejected, but none of them have taken into account the interdependence of the three elements noted above. A more in-depth analysis shows that the movements which fight on specific problems, even if they are aware of wide-ranging social problems, tend to remain isolated, marginalized if they do not manage to create the necessary relationship of forces in the specific conditions, one of which is independence from the state apparatus, which paradoxically finds itself having been compromised for a number of years in Brazil / Doutorado / Sociologia / Doutor em Sociologia

Orientador: Silvia Aparecida Mikami Gonçalves Pina / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Engenharia Civil, Arquitetura e Urbanismo / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-25T10:06:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DePaoli_Dina_D.pdf: 5161820 bytes, checksum: 4394ba93d7403d4247ccf6beebccdb46 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / Resumo: Na construção da casa, constrói-se a cidade, sobretudo porque a casa é o lugar privilegiado das atividades cotidianas da vida privada, que se associa à vida pública. Entre o espaço privado da moradia e o espaço público da cidade há um vínculo orgânico que estabelece relações entre a habitação e o bairro, a cidade e as pessoas, tanto do ponto de vista formal quanto de valor multidimensional. Tais relações compõem uma rede de serviços e equipamentos urbanos para se revelar enquanto cidade e ser apropriada pelas comunidades enquanto território habitacional, fortalecendo o vínculo entre os cidadãos e destes com o ambiente urbano. A qualidade ambiental dos bairros habitacionais de interesse social, embora seja tema presente no cenário de pesquisas, ainda remete e requer novos estudos para que se realize efetivamente. A motivação dessa pesquisa advém da convicção da necessidade de se reforçar o olhar sobre a problemática habitacional como tema relacionado às questões urbanas. E tem como hipótese a premissa de que o desenho urbano pode ser também o instrumento para uma abordagem focada no valor multidimensional, de perspectiva holística, que contribua para qualidade ambiental e para construção de bairros habitacionais, permitindo o fortalecimento de comunidades. O objetivo é identificar como o Desenho Urbano pode expressar os valores percebidos e desejados pelos moradores e usuários na conformação de bairros e cidade com qualidade. Para tanto, realizou-se um estudo de caso, tendo como objeto de estudo três conjuntos habitacionais significativos no âmbito da região Metropolitana de Campinas, SP, os quais possuem tipologias e escalas distintas e não constituem condomínios fechados. Para identificação do valor subjetivo e multidimensional do desenho urbano desenvolveu-se uma metodologia de avaliação com uso de cartas de valor e da técnica de preferencia declarada, por sua possibilidade de estimar a demanda por novos produtos com novos atributos e características. Os resultados apontam uma hierarquização dos parâmetros de valor do desenho urbano, determinados pelo índice geral de importância que confirmam a hipótese inicial. Tais diretrizes visam proporcionar suporte para a concepção de projetos de bairros habitacionais plenos na sua qualidade, especialmente de seus espaços de uso comum e sua inserção urbana, promovendo assim a construção de territórios habitacionais / Abstract: When a house is built, the city is being built; a house is the privileged place of all daily activities of private life, which are connected with the public life. Between the private space of the home and the public realm, there is an organic link, which establishes the relationship of housing and its neighbourhood, the city and the people, from the formal point of view and from the multidimensional value point of view. These relations are part of a net of urban equipments and services to reveal as a city and be appropriated by the communities as a housing territory, strengthening the link between citizens and between citizens and the urban environment. The social neighbourhood environmental quality is a concern in the present research scenery, nevertheless continues to evoke new studies to contribute to life quality. This research started from the understanding that the actual social housing developments are not understood as a complete housing territory, especially because they are being built focusing only in the house unit. The main concern of this research is the qualification of neighbourhoods and social housing developments with the objective to contribute for more sustainable cities with higher life quality, considering its possible influence in the urban centres. It also considers that the qualification of these social housing areas needs focus and actions related to the urban design principles in order to form social territories in its full concept. The hypothesis is based in the premise that the urban design can be also an instrument for an approach focus in the multidimensional value, in a holistic perspective, which contributes for more environmental quality and for the construction of residential neighbourhoods, making the communities stronger. Understanding that, housing is not just a unit to live in, but necessarily is part of a net of services and equipments to reveal a city and be appropriated as a housing territory. Part of the problems that happens nowadays and the lack of quality in the majority of theses housing developments are the results of this shortsighted point a view. However, the delivery of the desired quality in housing developments should consider the residents and community perceived values, without losing the development viability for the other agents involved in the process and the housing policies. Therefore, the objective of this research is to identify how the urban design can express the community¿s perceived and desired values in the construction of neighborhoods and cities with quality. The adopted methodology is the case study. Three different typologies of social housing developments where selected, two from the private sector and one public, localized in the Metropolitan Region of Campinas, São Paulo. To identify the subjective urban design and multidimensional values based on the Stated Preference Method, a methodology was developed with illustration cards and a questionnaire on the socioeconomical situation of the sample. Statistical inferences were obtained based on Bootstrap confidence values. Results pointed to a hierarchy of urban design value parameters, which confirm the initial hypothesis. As a contribution, an urban design agenda and conceptual and project guidelines were developed to help in the new housing design projects and redevelopments in the social housing territories / Doutorado / Arquitetura, Tecnologia e Cidade / Doutora em Arquitetura, Tecnologia e Cidade

Orientador: Luciana Ferreira Tatagiba / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-25T17:32:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Trindade_ThiagoAparecido_D.pdf: 2238182 bytes, checksum: 0f9f31ef46f9f60fe41abb2314daf4b7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / Resumo: Esta tese tem como objetivo principal problematizar o debate sobre a participação política e a construção da democracia no Brasil. Tendo como referência empírica as ocupações de imóveis ociosos no centro da cidade de São Paulo, ações realizadas pelo movimento de moradia da capital paulista, nossa proposta consiste em ampliar o escopo de análise referente ao tema da participação na literatura nacional. Em linhas gerais, este debate ficou restrito à dimensão institucional desta, desconsiderando outras formas de atuação política que, a despeito de se caracterizarem por sua extra institucionalidade, também podem ser entendidas como formas de participação política. O argumento central da tese é que o deslocamento analítico aqui proposto (dos espaços institucionais em direção ao espaço "das ruas") oferece vantagens analíticas importantes no debate teórico sobre a democracia, uma vez que nos possibilita lançar luz sobre temas e conflitos cruciais para o entendimento da disputa pela construção democrática e identificar com mais clareza os diferentes projetos políticos em disputa. A sociedade brasileira, no período pós-autoritário, foi capaz de avançar significativamente na construção de espaços participativos institucionais dedicados ao processo de formulação, implementação e execução das políticas públicas nas mais diferentes áreas. Atualmente, existe um significativo consenso construído em torno do ideário participativo: as mais diferentes forças políticas estão de acordo com relação à legitimidade da participação popular na administração pública. Contudo, este consenso se desfaz nitidamente quando se trata de reconhecer como legítimas outras formas de atuação política, como é o caso das ocupações de terras e imóveis ociosos promovidas pelos movimentos sociais do campo e da cidade. Ao longo do texto, procuramos esclarecer que a controvérsia encetada pelas ocupações na opinião pública está diretamente relacionada ao conflito que estas acionam: em última análise, as ocupações contestam o direito de propriedade irrestrito das classes economicamente dominantes da sociedade, ainda que não questionem o direito de propriedade em si mesmo. Para referenciar a discussão empiricamente, nos debruçamos sobre as ocupações de imóveis ociosos promovidas pelo movimento de moradia no centro da capital paulista, demonstrando que estas ações também acionam um conflito específico: o questionamento do modelo hegemônico de urbanização, que historicamente empurrou as classes mais pobres para as áreas periféricas dos grandes centros urbanos. Trata-se de uma luta, portanto, pelo direito de morar nas áreas centrais, o que classificamos, nesta tese, como uma luta pelo direito à cidade. Demonstramos também que estas ocupações, iniciadas em 1997, trouxeram importantes conquistas para o movimento em questão, tanto do ponto de vista material quanto simbólico. Apontamos ainda o debate jurídico relacionado à legitimidade e à legalidade das ocupações. Inclusive dentro do poder judiciário, podemos identificar um conflito entre diferentes concepções relacionadas à legitimidade destas ações. A metodologia da pesquisa envolveu a revisão bibliográfica e conceitual dos temas pertinentes, trabalho de campo, entrevistas, análise de material jornalístico e de documentos produzidos pelos próprios movimentos sociais analisados / Abstract: The main goal of this thesis is to debate the political participation and the democratic construction in Brazil. For that, it was chosen, as empirical reference, the occupations of idle properties downtown of the city of São Paulo, actions performed by the housing movement, our proposal is to broaden the scope of analysis concerning the issue of participation in the national literature. In general, this debate was restricted to the institutional dimension of participation, disregarding other forms of political action that, despite being external to the institutions, can also be understood as forms of political participation. The central argument of the thesis is that the analytical shift proposed here (institutional spaces toward space of "the streets") offers important advantages in analytical theoretical debate on democracy, since it enables us to shed light on issues and conflicts that are crucial for understanding the dispute for building democracy and identify more clearly the different political projects in dispute. The Brazilian society, in the post-authoritarian period, was able to make significant progress in building institutional participatory spaces dedicated to the development, implementation and execution of public policies in different areas. At present, there is a significant consensus built around participatory ideals: the most different political forces agree regarding the legitimacy of public participation in public administration. However, this consensus clearly breaks down when it comes to recognize as legitimate other forms of political action, as the case of land occupations and idle properties promoted by social movements in the countryside and the city. Throughout of the text, we seek to clarify that the controversy initiated by occupations in the public opinion is directly related to the conflict that they trigger: the occupations challenging the unrestricted right of property of the economically dominant classes of society, though not question the right of ownership in itself. To reference the discussion empirically, our study turns to the occupations of idle properties promoted by the housing movement in downtown of São Paulo, demonstrating that these actions also trigger a specific conflict: questioning the hegemonic model of urbanization, that historically pushed the poorer classes to outlying areas of large urban centers. It is therefore a struggle for the right to live in the central areas, which we classify in this thesis as a struggle for the right to the city. We have also demonstrated that these occupations, started in 1997, brought important achievements to the housing movement, from the standpoint of both material and symbolic. We still point the debate related to legitimacy and the legality of occupations. Including within the judiciary, we can identify a conflict between different conceptions regarding the legitimacy of these actions. The research methodology involved the literature and conceptual review of relevant topics, fieldwork, interviews, analysis of journalistic material and documents produced by the social movements analyzed / Doutorado / Ciencias Sociais / Doutor em Ciências Sociais

published_or_final_version / Social Work and Social Administration / Master / Master of Social Sciences

This dissertation offers a study of everyday relations between residents and the state on a post-industrial council estate in England. Drawing upon historical and ethnographic data, it analyses how, often under conditions of sustained exclusion, residents rely upon the state in their daily struggles for security and survival. My central ethnographic finding is that residents personalise the state alongside informal networks of support and care into a local sociality of reciprocity. This finding can be broken into three interconnected points. First, I argue that the reciprocal contract between citizens and the state emerged in the post-war years when the residents on the newly built estates negotiated their dependence upon the state by integrating it into their on-going social relations. A climate of relative material affluence, selective housing policies, and a paternalistic regime of housing management all created conditions which were conducive for this temporary union between residents and the state. Second, however, I argue that with the decline of industry and shifts towards neoliberal policies, residents increasingly struggle to hold the state accountable to its reciprocal obligations towards local people. This becomes manifest today both in the material neglect of council estates as well as in state officials' reluctance to become implicated in social relations with and between residents. Third, I argue that this failure on the part of the state to attend to residents' demands often has onerous effects on people's lives. It not only exacerbates residents' exposure to insecurity and threat, but is also experienced as a moral affront which generates larger narratives of abandonment and betrayal. Theoretically, this dissertation critically discusses and challenges contrasting portrayals of the state, and of state-citizen relations, in two bodies of literature. On the one hand, in much of the sociological and anthropological literature on working class communities, authors have adopted a community-centred approach which has depicted working class communities as self-contained entities against which the state emerges as a distant or hostile entity. I argue that such a portrayal is premised upon a romanticised view of working class communities which neglects the intimate presence of the state in everyday life. On the other hand, the theoretical literature on the British state has adopted a state-centred perspective which has seen the state as a renewed source of order and authority in disintegrating communities today. My suggestion is that this portrayal rests upon a pathologising view of social decline which fails to account for the persistence of informal social relations and the challenges that these pose to the state's authority from below. Finally, moving beyond the community-centred and state-centred perspectives, I argue for the need to adopt a middle ground which combines an understanding of the nature and workings of informal relations with an acknowledgement of the ubiquity of the state. Such an approach allows us to recognise that, far from being a hostile entity or, alternatively, an uncontested source of order, the state occupies shifting positions within an overarching sociality of reciprocity and its associated demands for alliances and divisions. I refer to such an approach as the personalisation of the state.

Orientador: Maria Suely Kofes / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-22T18:41:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Paterniani_StellaZagatto_M.pdf: 133303695 bytes, checksum: 48336012fb1a13c811ae59eeb043a495 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Resumo: Em 2007, um imóvel ocioso no bairro da Luz, em São Paulo, foi ocupado: a comunidade Mauá. Quase cinco anos depois, os moradores receberam uma ordem de despejo. Sua reação foi lutar: para que as famílias sejam atendidas (isto é, inseridas em programas de política pública habitacional) e, ao mesmo tempo, para que o despejo não ocorra. Com o pedido de liminar de reintegração de posse, vêm à tona, de maneira mais intensa, processos de construção de uma coletividade que contempla a diferença e relações entre a ocupação, o poder público e o proprietário do prédio ocupado. Esta é uma etnografia de uma experiência, em dois níveis: o da experiência da ocupação e dos confrontos e embates a partir da liminar de reintegração de posse; e da minha experiência de encontro e confronto com essa experiência objetivada. Entendo que a ocupação Mauá não se esgota na sua arquitetura e, sim, contém potencialidades e outras coletividades. Por isso, inicialmente, faço uma breve discussão sobre o ocupar, antes de apresentar a Mauá e seus entornos e situá-la no centro da cidade de São Paulo. Dignidade e vida aparecem como categorias orientadoras do habitar (na ocupação), nas falas durante atos públicos na rua ou reuniões públicas com o governo e atores estatais. Porquanto a luta pelo direito à moradia ampara-se na ideia de viver dignamente, a ordem de despejo equipara-se a uma sentença de morte - da qual, contudo, é possível escapar pela luta. As intenções metodológicas da pesquisa foram: a) não entender o movimento social como bloco homogêneo, nem os atores e seus posicionamentos como previamente definidos (mas sim como relacionais e situacionais) e b) refutar a cisão entre "novos" e "velhos" movimentos sociais. Uma das hipóteses é que os múltiplos sentidos de coletividade são construídos, sobretudo, na conexão entre passado, presente e futuro, por meio de narrativas. Como resultado, proponho entender a política como composta por elementos de resistência, reivindicação e prefiguração / Abstract: In 2007, an idle property at the neighborhood of Luz, in the city of São Paulo, was squatted: the Mauá squatting [ocupação Mauá]. Almost five years after the squatting, the inhabitants received an eviction order. Their reaction was to struggle: for the families to be attended (that is, to be contemplated in programs of public housing policy) and, at the same time, for the eviction not to happen. Together with the injunction of repossession, we can intensely observe processes of construction of a collectivity that contemplates the difference and relations between the squatting, the public power and the building owner. This is in ethnography of an experience, in two levels: first, the experience of the squatting and the confrontation and shocks from the moment of the injunction of repossession; second, of my experience of encounter and confrontation with this objectified experience. I understand that the Mauá squatting is not only its architecture, but it also contains potentialities and other collectivities. That is the reason I begin with a brief discussion about the squatting, before introducing Mauá and its surroundings and situate it in the center of São Paulo city. Dignity and life show up as guiding categories of dwelling (in the squatting), in speeches during public protests at the street or public reunions with government and state actors. Inasmuch as the struggle for the right to housing is supported by the idea of living with dignity, the eviction equates to a death sentence - from which, however, is possible to escape through the struggle [luta]. The methodological intentions of this research were: a) not to understand the social movement as a homogeneous block, neither its actors and positions as previously defined (instead, to understand them as relational and situational) and b) to refute the split between "new" and "old" social movements. One of the hypotheses is that multiple senses of collectivity are mainly built in the connection between past, present and future, through narratives. As an outcome, I propose to understand the politics as composed by resistance, claiming and prefiguration elements / Mestrado / Antropologia Social / Mestra em Antropologia Social

The Moving to Opportunity (MTO) randomized housing experiment was designed to evaluate the causal effects of random voucher assignment on the economic outcomes of adults and the educational outcomes of their children. MTO recruited predominantly non-Hispanic Black and Hispanic families living in public housing in neighborhoods with over 40% poverty and, in most cases, racial/ethnic minority concentration of 80% or more. Post hoc, MTO also examined the effect of voucher receipt on the long-term mental health outcomes among adolescents and, generally, found harmful effects among boys, but protective effects among girls. On average, voucher receipt led to residing in more affluent, and slightly less racially and ethnically segregated neighborhoods. These neighborhood differences could have led to greater exposure to perceived racial/ethnic and class discrimination among non-Hispanic Black and Hispanic adolescents from high-poverty neighborhoods, which, in turn, may have affected their mental health, with a stronger harmful effect among boys than girls. A prior qualitative study found that compared to no voucher, boys whose families moved with a voucher reported more instances of racial and class discrimination in the new neighborhoods. However, girls whose families moved with a voucher did not report more instances of discrimination than girls whose families did not receive a voucher. In addition, Black and Hispanic boys have been shown to be more sensitive to differences in affluence between themselves and their neighbors than girls. For example, low-income boys, but not girls, living alongside more affluent neighbors exhibited more antisocial behavior compared to their peers who lived alongside low-income neighbors. Examining whether aspects of neighborhood poverty and racial/ethnic composition, which may be associated with class and racial/ethnic discrimination, are mechanisms behind the unintended consequences of Section 8 housing voucher receipt may inform more nuanced housing policy decisions. Identifying the pathways for the unintended harmful effects on the mental health of boys may help policymakers distribute housing subsidies in a way that is beneficial to all family members. To examine the potential pathway for the surprising findings in the MTO, I completed three specific aims in this dissertation: a systematic literature review and two empirical aims. First, I conducted a systematic literature review to examine the evidence that sex moderates the established association between perceived racial/ethnic discrimination and mental health outcomes in Black and Hispanic preadolescents to young adults. Second, I estimated the effect of Section 8 voucher receipt on perceived individual-level racial/ethnic discrimination, stratifying analyses by the selected effect modifiers (e.g., voucher type, sex, and/or city). Third, I estimated the indirect effects of voucher receipt on the risk of long-term mental health outcomes among adolescents through neighborhood affluence and racial/ethnic composition, stratifying by sex. The results of the systematic literature review suggest that, among pre-adolescents to young adults, there was no strong evidence to support the moderating effect of sex on the association between perceived racial/ethnic discrimination and depressive symptoms or behavioral problems. However, the review found support for the moderating role of sex on the association between perceived discrimination and the outcomes of anxiety and PTSD. In the first empirical study, I found that Low Poverty Voucher (LPV) receipt reduced the risk of perceived racial/ethnic discrimination by police among boys only. In Los Angeles, receipt of LPV and, separately, Traditional Voucher (TRV) receipt reduced the risk of perceived school and neighborhood discrimination, respectively. In contrast, in Chicago, TRV receipt increased the risk of perceived discrimination at a store or at a restaurant. Voucher receipt did not have an estimated effect on the risk of perceived racial/ethnic discrimination in Boston or New York. In the second empirical study, among boys, part of the estimated harmful effect of voucher receipt (LPV and TRV combined) on the risk of externalizing disorders was mitigated by a bundle of mediators, which included residing in neighborhoods with less than 20% poverty, more college graduates, and slightly less racial/ethnic segregation over the duration of follow-up. However, the same bundle of mediators explained part of the harmful effect of voucher receipt on the risk of mood disorders among boys. Among girls, part of the protective effect of voucher receipt on externalizing disorders and mood disorders operated through this bundle of mediators. I utilized causal inference methods (i.e., calculated average treatment effect) to estimate the effect of Section 8 housing vouchers on perceived racial/ethnic discrimination in Chapter 3, as well as their indirect effect, through neighborhood affluence and racial/ethnic composition, on long-term adolescent mental health outcomes in Chapter 4. Overall, the findings of this dissertation suggest that there is heterogeneity in the effect of perceived racial/ethnic discrimination and Section 8 voucher receipt on adolescent mental health outcomes. Furthermore, such effects vary depending on the mental health outcome. For example, among boys, the harmful effect of voucher receipt partially operated through the bundle of mediators on mood disorders, but the same mediators had a protective effect on externalizing disorders. Additional research is needed into the causes of these heterogeneous indirect effects on mental health outcomes among boys. Future housing interventions should consider utilizing this information to avoid harming the subgroups they intend to aid.