What is the relationship between ethnic heterogeneity and the ability of the poor to organize and influence democratic governments to improve their welfare? Political scientists and economists have argued that democracies are superior to non-democracies for improving poverty outcomes because they are advantaged with institutional mechanisms such as universal suffrage and majority rule. Yet, there are numerous cases where democracy has done little to help the poor. Through a series of essays, I examine the effects of ethnic heterogeneity of the poor on the effect of democracy and oil revenue on poverty. I argue that ethnic heterogeneity reduces the likelihood that poor citizens will organize and pressure political elites to provide public goods and services that improve their general welfare. As a result, democracy and oil revenue are less likely to improve poverty outcomes when the poor are ethnically heterogeneous compared to being homogeneous. The first chapter presents a cross-national study to help us understand the general effects of ethnic heterogeneity of the poor on the effects of democracy on poverty. The results are not statistically significant. It is not clear if the lack of significance is due to notable endogeneity issues or that the hypothesis is wrong. For that reason, the second chapter takes advantage of an institutional natural experiment in Indonesia to produce more reliable results. The results show that ethnic heterogeneity of the poor significantly affects the effect of elections on the majority of the dependent variables. In the third chapter, I test the effects of ethnic heterogeneity of the poor on the effect of oil revenue among Brazilian municipalities. The revenues local democratic governments depend upon increased significantly due to the sharp increase of offshore oil royalties and world oil prices from early 1990s to the early 2010s. This allows me to measure the effects of ethnic heterogeneity of the poor on the effect of oil revenue on poverty at the municipal level. Results suggest that ethnic heterogeneity of the poor does not significantly affect the effect of local oil revenue on poverty outcomes in Brazil.

This thesis represents the most detailed investigation into English royal funeral ceremonies 1570-1625 yet undertaken. It builds on earlier scholarship dealing with the French royal funeral and with the social history of death and burial in early modern England. When gathering my source material I consulted manuscript and early printed material at the British Library, the Bodleian Library, the Library of Westminster Abbey, the College of Arms and the Bibliothèque Nationale. My approach is to consider royal funeral rituals in terms of performance. I endeavour to place each of the royal funerals in its immediate performance and broader cultural context. The evidence is analysed using an approach which seeks to take account of both the political and affective implications of ritual. Preliminary chapters establish the form of the English heraldic funeral and the French royal funeral, and assess the impact of the English Reformation on funeral ritual. I go on to discuss the funerals of Mary Stuart, Elizabeth I, Prince Henry Stuart, Anne of Denmark and James I respectively. Included is a bridging chapter which briefly summarises the religious and cultural changes which took place under James I and their impact on funeral ritual. Royal funerals are seen as flexible rather than fixed. They were modified to meet changing political needs but such modifications were always in accord with broader cultural trends. My thesis demonstrates that royal funeral rituals were highly dependent on their performance and cultural contexts. The Epilogue looks at the implications my research has for readings of stage representations of funeral ritual and funeral symbolism in Elizabethan and Jacobean drama. I show that royal funerals formed an important aspect of playhouse audience experience. Dramatists exploited that experience to show the operative nature of funeral ritual performance and the potency of its symbols for political propaganda.

This study investigates the concept and assessment of housing affordability. Housing affordability is a multi-dimensional issue, yet it is typically assessed quite simply in terms of the financial burden of housing costs. The study frames the housing affordability problem as encompassing more than financial costs of housing and household ability to meet these costs, and extends to larger issues of social wellbeing and community sustainability. This thesis provides an original contribution to new knowledge by developing and applying a complex model for the assessment of sustainable housing affordability. The model is holistic and is capable of considering a broad spectrum of criteria determining housing affordability and the wellbeing of households, including economic, environmental and social aspects. Multiple criteria decision making (MCDM) techniques are innovatively applied for the analysis of sustainable housing affordability. The chosen methodology of MCDM allows a multidimensional analysis of both quantitative and qualitative criteria Influencing the affordability of housing and household wellbeing. The thesis presents the results of a case study assessment of 10 areas in Liverpool, UK as a practical example of the sustainable housing affordability assessment model. This allows the given areas to be ranked in respect of their sustainable housing affordability. The model can assist stakeholders, such as central governments, local authorities, developers and consumers, on both a national and international scale, in making comprehensive and informed decisions concerning affordability. The model provides a complex analysis of the criteria that influence the affordability of housing, beyond the financial implications experienced by households and better reflecting household wellbeing and sustain ability concerns. The tool could be utilised as a potential planning indicator for shaping local housing markets. The rankings derived from the model may be used as a locational decision aid and to support new housing development that will meet the needs of low and moderate income residents in ways that go beyond traditional notions of financial burden.

Submitted by Automa??o e Estat?stica (sst@bczm.ufrn.br) on 2016-04-25T23:08:59Z No. of bitstreams: 1 MarianaDiasLeite_DISSERT.pdf: 3236887 bytes, checksum: de54a5e9a05ca367ece5cdde2f640a5c (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Arlan Eloi Leite Silva (eloihistoriador@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-04-28T00:04:20Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 MarianaDiasLeite_DISSERT.pdf: 3236887 bytes, checksum: de54a5e9a05ca367ece5cdde2f640a5c (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-28T00:04:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 MarianaDiasLeite_DISSERT.pdf: 3236887 bytes, checksum: de54a5e9a05ca367ece5cdde2f640a5c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-07-09 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior (CAPES) / A serotonina ou 5-hidroxitriptamina (5-HT) ? uma subst?ncia encontrada em muitos tecidos do organismo, inclusive no sistema nervoso atuando como neurotransmissor. Dentro do neuro-eixo, a localiza??o da maioria dos neur?nios 5-HT se sobrep?e com os n?cleos da rafe do tronco encef?lico, na linha m?dia ou em suas proximidades, de tal maneira que a 5-HT neuronal pode ser considerada um marcador dos n?cleos da rafe. Os neur?nios seroton?rgicos projetam-se para praticamente todas as ?reas do enc?falo. Estudos mostram a participa??o da serotonina na regula??o da temperatura, comportamento alimentar, comportamento sexual, ritmos biol?gicos, sono, fun??o locomotora, aprendizagem, entre outras. A anatomia destes grupos foi revisada em muitas esp?cies, inclusive em rato, coelho, gato e primatas, mas nunca antes em uma esp?cie de morcego da Am?rica do Sul. Este trabalho teve como objetivo caracterizar os grupamentos seroton?rgicos no enc?falo do morcego Artibeus planirostris, atrav?s de imunoistoqu?mica para serotonina. Sete morcegos machos adultos da esp?cie Artibeus planirostris (Microchiroptera, Mammalia) foram utilizados nesse estudo. Os animais foram anestesiados, perfundidos por via transcard?aca e tiveram seus enc?falos removidos. Sec??es coronais do enc?falo congelado dos morcegos foram obtidos em micr?tomo de deslizamento e submetidos a rea??o imunoistoqu?mica para 5-HT. Delimitamos os n?cleos linear caudal (CLi), dorsal (DR), mediano (MnR), paramediano (PMnR), pontino (PnR), magno (MgR), p?lido (RPa) e obscuro (Rob) da rafe, al?m dos grupamentos B9 e ventrolaterais rostral e caudal (RVL/CVL). Os grupamentos seroton?rgicos nesta esp?cie de quir?ptero apresentam morfologia e citoarquitetura relativamente semelhante ao descrito em roedores e primatas, confirmando a estabilidade filogen?tica desses grupamentos celulares. / Serotonin or 5-hydroxytryptamine (5-HT) is a substance found in many tissues of the body, including the nervous system acting as a neurotransmitter. Within the neuro-axis, the location of the majority of the 5-HT neurons is superimposed with raphe nuclei of the brain stem, in the median line or its vicinity, so that neuronal 5-HT can be considered a marker of the raphe nuclei. Serotonergic neurons are projected to almost all areas of the brain. Studies show the participation of serotonin in regulating the temperature, feeding behavior, sexual behavior, biological rhythms, sleep, locomotor function, learning, among others. The anatomy of these groups has been revised in many species, including mouse, rabbit, cat and primates, but never before in a bat species from South America. This study aimed to characterize the serotonergic clusters in the brain of the bat Artibeus planirostris through immunohistochemistry for serotonin. Seven adult bat males of Artibeus planirostris species (Microchiroptera, Mammalia) were used in this study. The animals were anesthetized, transcardially perfused and their brains were removed. Coronal sections of the frozen brain of bats were obtained in sliding microtome and subjected to immunohistochemistry for 5-HT. Delimit the caudal linear (CLi), dorsal (DR), median (MnR), paramedian (PMnR), pontine (PNR), magnus (MgR), pallidus (RPA) and obscurus (ROb) raphe nucleus, in addition to the groups B9 and rostral and caudal ventrolateral (RVL/CVL). The serotonergic groups of this kind of cheiroptera present morphology and cytoarchitecture relatively similar to that described in rodents and primates, confirming the phylogenetic stability of these cell clusters.

Native American women played a key role in negotiating relations between settler and Native society, especially through their relationships with white men. Yet they have traditionally languished on the sidelines of Native American and colonial American history, often viewed as subordinate and thus tangential to the key themes of these histories. This dissertation redresses the imbalance by locating women at the centre of a narrative that has been dominated by discourses in masculine aspirations. It explores the variety of relations that developed between men and women of two frontier societies in eighteenth century North America: the Creeks of the Southeast, and the Mi’kmaq of Nova Scotia. This dissertation complicates existing histories of Native and colonial America by providing a study of Indian culture that, in a reversal of traditional inquiry, asks how Native women categorised and incorporated white people into their physical and spiritual worlds. One method was through ritualised violence and torture of captives. As primary agents of this process women often selected, rejected or adopted men into the tribes, depending on factors that ranged from nationality to religion. Such acts challenged contemporary Euro-American wisdom that ordained a nurturing, auxiliary role for women. However, this thesis shows that ‘anomalous’ violent behaviours of Indian women were rooted in a femininity inculcated from an early age. In this volatile world, women were not shielded from the horrors of war. Instead, they became one of those horrors. Therefore, viewing anomalous actions as central to the analysis provides an understanding of female identities outwith the straitjacket of the Euro-American gender binary. With violence as a legitimate and natural expression of feminine power, the Indian woman’s character was far removed from depictions of the sexualised exotic, self-sacrificing Pocahontas or stoic Sacagawea. The focus on women’s violent customs, which embodied several important and unusual manifestations of Native American femininity, reveals a number of jarring behaviours that have found no home within colonial literatures. These behaviours included sanctioned infanticide and abortions, brutal tests for adolescents, scalp dancing and death rites, cannibalism, mercenary wives and sadistic grandmothers. With limited means of incorporating such female characteristics into pre-existing gender categories, the women’s acts were historically treated as non-representative of regular Indian lifeways and thus dismissed. Colonial relations are therefore analysed through an alternative lens to accommodate these acts. This allows women to construct their own narrative in a volatile landscape that largely sought to exclude those voices, voices that challenged dominant ideologies on appropriate male-female relations. By constructing a new gender framework I show that violence was a vehicle by which women realised, promoted and reinforced their tribal standing.

Somalia has for more than two decades been in a perpetual state of conflict and more than a million Somalis have fled the initial civil war. Approximately 400,000 of them reside here in the UK. They have formed a large diasporic community and have set up their own websites and TV stations to remain engaged with the happenings of their homeland. Diasporic media is often hailed as a medium that allows immigrants to maintain their identity in their host country as well as providing a platform to sustain ties with their homeland. However, if these ties are being maintained with a homeland that is in a state of conflict, the potential to transport the dynamics of the conflict and re-create it amongst the diaspora audiences is very much a possibility. This thesis illustrates how diasporic media can re-create conflict through a theoretically developed and empirically informed argument that provides three analytically distinct approaches referred to as the three politics of non-recognition, solidarity and mobilisation. This thesis in essence, argues that diasporic media is more complex than what current scholars have demonstrated and that there is a need to broaden the scope of current academic debates concerning the interplay between diasporic media, transnationalism and conflict.

This study explores the argument that Postcolonial Africa has been the setting for competing external language spread policies (LSPs) by ex-colonial European countries at the turn of the 21st Century. To explore the topic I examine the case studies of Mozambique and Guinea-Bissau, in the time frame of the 1990s to the present. In both case studies is visible the pervasiveness of international European languages that has been fostered by the history, structure and functioning of the international system. African languages mostly remain circumscribed to non-official domains. This linguistic inequality reflects the power relations enacted in society and internationally. It further raises issues of linguistic/cultural human rights and the defence of language and cultural diversity that this study argues for. Associated with the European languages are foreign governments’ policies that support language spread in different measures and, in some cases, are at the origin of the internal language spread policy of the African countries. In Mozambique, my research identified overt external language spread policies undertaken by the governments of Portugal, Brazil, France, UK and Germany. In Guinea-Bissau, research identified external language spread policies undertaken by the government of Portugal, Brazil, France and Germany. Languages are dynamic and the linguistic situation in Africa should not be read as a simple dichotomy of European versus African languages in a positive/negative balance. As it has been deployed, the process of spread of official languages in Africa leads to their de facto supremacy and can be read as a ‘glottophagic’/language cannabalism process (Breton 1991, Calvet 2002b). It is thus imperative that a strong political will supports policies for African languages allowing the maxium participation of the people in the governing process and promoting socio-cultural independence from the outside world (Heine 1992). This study is based on transdisciplinary analysis using elements of sociology of language, sociolinguistics and international relations. Research for this study focused on the qualitative analysis of extensive documentary data and a series of elite interviews.

The challenge that faced Edwardian Britain was how to respond to poverty and related social problems. The Victorian ideas on poverty and philanthropy were under attack by the beginning of the twentieth century and had not been replaced by those of the mid to late twentieth century, large-scale state welfare. This meant that the first twenty years of the twentieth century were a time when there was no consensus on how to respond to poverty. The concern about poverty with the lives of the working-class highlighted by Booth, Rowntree and the Boer War led to the development of new responses to poverty. Two groups who attracted attention at this time were working-class women and children whose poverty and related problems were highlighted during the first two decades of the twentieth century. In Bradford there were developments in both the political and philanthropic spheres in response to poverty. This thesis seeks to add to the knowledge of the early twentieth century through focusing on responses to poverty within one English town, Bradford, concentrating on both the philanthropic and political community. No study has investigated the work of both the Guild of Help and the ILP together and examined how their work and their policies impacted on poverty in Bradford. The Guild of Help looked to alleviate the poverty of those best placed to help themselves whereas the ILP aimed to alleviate, if not eliminate problems for all of those in poverty. The working class in Bradford responded to poverty largely through the development of practical strategies that enabled them and their families to survive. They were not able to alleviate their own poverty on a long-term basis and in some cases needed outside assistance in order to survive. The main response of the philanthropic community was the establishment of the Bradford City Guild of Help. It aimed to provide a community wide response to poverty in Bradford and to act as a clearing-house for charity in order to eliminate fraud. This response of the Bradford charitable elite aimed to investigate personal circumstances and provide help in the form of advice rather than money. The Guild of Help looked to alleviate rather than eliminate poverty and helped those in the best position to practice self-help. Although its acceptance of a role of the state in areas that had had been the traditional preserve of charity showed that the Guild of Help had moved on from Victorian charity, it still aimed to preserve the status quo and would not advocate any measures that would change this. The knowledge built up by the Guild of Help in relation to the problems of working-class women and children ensured that it was well placed to deal with these problems. However it preferred to deal with each case on an individual basis by individual Helpers which meant that there was no consistency in dealing with the poverty of working class women and children. The major response from the political community came from the Independent Labour Party. The ILP looked to eliminate poverty and the social ills associated with it and if poverty could not be eliminated without a change in society, then the ILP advocated that society should be fundamentally changed. The ILP lacked a coherent plan to tackle poverty and related problems in Bradford and had little success in responding to problems such as unemployment. However, the ILP did make the issue of education their own and built on the work of Margaret McMillan in Bradford. The ILP did challenge traditional views on responsibility for children and their policies made a difference to the lives of working-class children.

This thesis considers how the law should manage conflicts between religious freedom and the prohibition of sexual orientation discrimination. It starts from the basis that both these rights are valuable and worthy of protection, but that such disputes are often characterised by animosity. It contends that a proportionality analysis provides the best method for resolving these conflicts. In particular, it argues that proportionality is a conciliatory method of reasoning because it provides context-dependent and nuanced answers to these issues, providing scope for re-­assessment in future cases, and because it accepts losing claims as in principle as worthy of protection. It is also argued that proportionality is advantageous because it inherently demands justification where rights are infringed. The thesis takes a comparative approach, examining the law in England and Wales, Canada and the USA to demonstrate the clash of rights and to compare how these issues have been dealt with by courts and legislatures. It considers these issues with reference to four areas of law. The first assesses how far employees with discriminatory religious beliefs should be accommodated in the workplace, including whether they should have a right not to perform aspects of their work that are contrary to their beliefs and whether they should be permitted to share their discriminatory views at work. The second considers whether and when religious organisations should be permitted to discriminate in their employment decisions. The third examines how far religious organisations should be permitted to discriminate in providing services, such as charitable services or when hiring out premises, and the fourth whether religious individuals should be allowed to discriminate in the secular marketplace.

The object of this thesis is to explore the representation of ‘ Thainess ’ in Thai wedding magazines. The thesis adopts semiotic and multimodal analysis as methods to examine how cover pages, photographs, editorial contents and advertisement s in the magazines communicate their denotative and connotative meanings through primary markers and modality markers such as pose, objects, setting, framing, lights, shadow and colour tone. Subsequently , each image is examined through its depiction of people in the image to determine any st ereotypical cultural attributes that highlight a distinction between the traditionalised Thai and modernised Thai bride. This thesis argues that the legacy of Thailand ’ s semi colonial history constructs an ambivalent relationship with the West and Thailand ’ s self - orientalising tendency, as well as the diffusion of hybrid cultures and modern Thai beauty ideals. Self - orientalising tendencies and the desire to encapsulate ‘ Thainess ’ are thusly observed in the magazines ’ representation of traditional ‘ Thainess ’ with a nostalgic overtone, by linking the ideals of traditional beauty to the imagined qualities of heroines in Thai classic literature and aristocratic ladies from pre-modern Siam through fashion and traditional beautifying remedies.