This study examines the degree to which the Truth and Reconciliation Commission hearings in East London have mitigated the impact of gross human rights violations on some of the Duncan Village victims. The research draws upon responses from a convenience sample of victims of apartheid atrocities guided by their own individual experiences, literature on conflict management, and TRC hearings that took place in other African states. The East London TRC hearings alert one to the brutality of the apartheid regime whose political intolerance unleashed violence against ordinary citizens of East London. Despite being seen as a witch hunt against the apartheid security establishment, most of the victims feel the TRC opened lines of communication between former enemies, although one cannot conclusively say that total reconciliation between victims and perpetrators has been achieved. Insofar as telling the truth is concerned, the concept defies unanimous acceptance as a contributor to peaceful co-existence. The mere fact that some perpetrators refused to appear before the TRC is an indication that the value attached to it differs from person to person, particularly in a situation where the political landscape is characterized by intimidation and fear. The treatise unveils the East London TRC as a platform for compromise as some of the victims felt anger and hatred for the perpetrators would amount to perpetual self-imposed ostracism. Noting that the TRC was never meant to hurt anyone, the treatise ushers one into a space where reconciliation takes precedence over vengeance.

The purpose of the essay is to critically discuss and analyse the right to development as an individual and a collective right, and or both at national as well as at the international level. The main objective being to ascertain whether there is .distinct dichotomy between the right to development as an individual and a collective right. Having critically analysed the right to development as an individual and a collective right or both, I attempted to critically discuss both the active and passive subjects of the right - so-called right-holders and duty-bearers respectively, at national as well as at international level. The juridical status of the right has been critically examined. It is clear that the right is legally binding on all states. The right is universally recognised as a human right enjoying international legal status. / Law / LL.M.

The author explores the traditional approaches to interpretation in a constitutional democracy, with specific emphasis on Bill of Rights interpretation. The approaches adopted by the court in India and Canada, are briefly outlined with a view to gleaning from the experience of these countries, a theory which will inform a proper approach to interpretation in a South African context. He concludes that the value-based approach is most appropriate to concretise the rights entrenched in the Bill of Rights, and specifically the so-called second and third generation rights. Addressing the fear that this may lead to an undisciplined judiciary, he concludes that there are sufficient disciplinning mechanisms to ensure that the courts do not encroach upon the other branches of government. / Constitutional, International & Indigenous Law / LL.M.

Thesis (LLM)-- Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The purpose of this study was to determine whether an individual can and/or should be allowed to consent to objectifying treatment. This necessitated the determination of the meaning of dignity, the meaning of freedom and the relationship between dignity and freedom. It was found that both the right not to be objectified and the right to consent to objectification could be found within human dignity. This is due to the broad definition of dignity in terms of which dignity has two, sometimes contradicting, components. One component safeguards autonomy and the right to choose, which supports consent to objectification, whereas the other promotes individual self-worth by prohibiting objectifying treatment. By investigating the meaning of freedom it was found that freedom as a constitutional value, and possibly also a free-standing constitutional right, could incorporate the right to consent to objectifying treatment. Three possible solutions to this tension between human dignity and freedom were identified and critically analysed. The first was that an individual cannot and should not be allowed to consent to objectification. This solution is primarily based on the notion that dignity is supreme to freedom and that freedom should yield to communitarian dignity. Furthermore, it is contended that consent to objectification is often invalid due to economic coercion and undue influence. The second possible solution was that, although an individual might not be able to validly consent to objectifying treatment, such consent should still be allowed under certain circumstances. The example of invalid consent due to economic coercion introduced in the previous solution was examined in relation to prostitution. The contention regarding this approach is that, since our government is unable to fulfil the socio-economic needs of those who consent due to economic coercion, such consent should be allowed and strictly regulated. The third possible approach was that circumstances do exist in which individuals can give valid consent to objectification and that in these circumstances they should be allowed to do so. In this solution the grounds of the first approach is criticised by contending, for example, that dignity is not supreme to freedom, that a plural society should allow these type of choices and that consent to objectification is already allowed in some instances. The results of this study were that, although there are situations in which genuine consent is not possible, it can be given under certain circumstances. An individual who cannot give genuine consent to objectification should not be allowed to do so, unless transitional measures dictate otherwise. However, an individual who is capable of giving valid consent to objectification should be allowed to do so. Finally, regardless of whether such consent is genuine or not, strict regulation thereof is required. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van hierdie studie was om vas te stel of 'n individu kan toestem en/of toegelaat behoort te word om toe te stem tot objektiverende behandeling. Dit genoodsaak dat die betekenis van menswaardigheid en vryheid, asook verhouding tussen hierdie twee begrippe vasgestel word. Daar is bevind dat beide die reg om nie te geobjektifeer te word nie en die reg om toe te stem tot objektivering gevind kan word binne die begrip van menswaardigheid. Hierdie is te danke aan die breë definisie van menswaardigheid in terme waarvan menswaardigheid uit twee, soms weersprekende, komponente bestaan. Een komponent beskerm outonomie en die reg om te kies, wat toestemming tot objektivering ondersteun, terwyl die ander komponent individuele waarde bevorder deurdat dit objektiverende behandeling verbied. Tydens die ondersoek aangaande die betekenis van vryheid is bevind dat vryheid as 'n grondwetlike waarde, en moontlik ook 'n vrystaande grondwetlike reg, die reg om toe te stem tot objektiverende behandeling kan inkorporeer. Drie moontlike oplossings vir hierdie spanning tussen menswaardigheid en vryheid is geïdentifiseer en krities ontleed. Die eerste is dat 'n individu nie kan toestem en ook nie toegelaat behoort te word om toe te stem tot objektivering nie. Hierdie oplossing is hoofsaaklik gebaseer op die veronderstelling dat vryheid onderworpe is aan menswaardigheid en dat individuele vryheid moet toegee tot die menswaardigheid van die gemeenskap. Verder word dit beweer dat toestemming tot objektivering dikwels ongeldig is as gevolg van die ekonomiese dwang en onbehoorlike beïnvloeding. Die tweede moontlike oplossing was dat, alhoewel 'n individu nie noodwendig instaat is om geldige toestemming tot objektiverende behandeling te verskaf nie, sodanige toestemming onder sekere omstandighede steeds toegelaat behoort te word. Die voorbeeld van ongeldig toestemming as gevolg van ekonomiese dwang wat in die vorige oplossing bekendgestel is, is ondersoek aan die hand van prostitusie. Die bewering ingevolge hierdie benadering is dat, aangesien ons regering is nie in staat is om die sosio-ekonomiese behoeftes van diegene wat toestem tot objektivering as gevolg van ekonomiese dwang te vervul nie, sodanige toestemming toegelaat en streng gereguleer behoort te word. Die derde moontlike benadering is dat daar wel omstandighede bestaan waar individue geldige toestemming kan gee tot objektivering en dat hulle in hierdie omstandighede toegelaat behoort te word om dit te gee. In terme van hierdie oplossing word die gronde waarop die eerste benadering gebaseer is gekritiseer, deur byvoorbeeld te argumenteer dat menswaardigheid nie verhewe is bo vryheid nie, dat in ons huidige diverse samelewing sulke soort keuses aanvaar behoort te word en dat toestemming tot objektivering reeds in sommige geval toegelaat word. Die resultate van hierdie studie was dat, alhoewel daar omstandighede bestaan waaronder geldige toestemming nie moontlik is nie, dit wel onder sekere omstandighede gegee kan word. 'n Individu wat nie daartoe instaat is om geldige toestemming tot objektivering te gee nie, behoort nie toegelaat word om dit te doen nie, tensy oorgangsmaatreëls anders bepaal. Waar 'n individu egter in staat is om geldige toestemming tot die objektivering te gee, behoort dit toegelaat word. Ten slotte is streng regulering van toestemming tot objektiverende behandeling nodig ongeag of sodanige toestemming geldig is of nie.

Thesis (LL.M.)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In recognition of the socio-economic imbalances inherited from the past and the abject poverty experienced by many, the people of South Africa adopted a Constitution fully committed to protecting socio-economic rights and advancing social justice. Apartheid constituted a violation of every internationally recognised human right. Seen in this light the emphasis on socio-economic rights in the new South African Constitution represents a commitment to guarantee to everyone in society a certain minimum standard of living below which they will not be allowed to fall. As the Constitution recognises socio-economic rights as justiciable rights, they can be of assistance to those who are unable to support themselves when challenging the state for the non-delivery of basic services. The duty to deliver the services lies first with the state and the court becomes involved only once it is alleged that the state has failed to fulfil its duty. The primary purpose of the study is aimed at determining the effectiveness of the South African Human Rights Commission in monitoring court orders in respect of the implementation of socio-economic rights. Non-Governmental Organisations, involved in the promotion and protection of human rights including socio-economic rights, cannot be left out of the process. It is argued that where the Courts issue structural interdicts, which have of late been used by them, albeit not enough in the context of socio-economic rights, they are responsible for the implementation of such orders. It is also argued that the South African Human Rights Commission and NGOs must be enjoined to ensure that court orders are better implemented. Court orders in respect of socio-economic rights in almost all the cases to date were neither implemented nor monitored adequately. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Ter erkenning van die sosio-ekonomiese ongelykhede wat post-apartheid Suid- Afrika geërf het en die volslae armoede waaraan talle Suid-Afrikaners onderwerp is, het die mense van Suid-Afrika 'n grondwet aanvaar wat verbonde is tot die beskerming van sosio-ekonomiese regte en die bevordering van maatskaplike geregtigheid. Apartheid het elke internasionaal-erkende mensereg geskend. Teen hierdie agtergrond verteenwoordig die klem op sosioekonomiese regte in die nuwe Suid-Afrikaanse grondwet 'n verbondenheid daartoe om vir elkeen in die maatskappy 'n bepaalde minimum lewensstandaard te waarborg, waaronder hulle nie toegelaat sal word om te sak nie. Aangesien die grondwet sosio-ekonomiese regte as beregbare regte erken, kan hierdie regte van nut wees vir mense wat hulself nie kan onderhou nie, as hulle die staat uitdaag omdat basiese dienste nie gelewer word nie. Die plig om dienste te lewer berus eerstens by die staat, met die gevolg dat die hof eers betrokke raak as die staat nie daarin slaag om sy plig te vervul nie. Die primêre doel van hierdie studie is om vas te stel hoe effektief die Suid- Afrikaanse Menseregtekommissie is met die monitering van hofbevele wat betrekking het op die verwesenliking van sosio-ekonomiese regte. Nieregeringsinstansies wat betrokke is by die bevordering en beserkming van menseregte, met inbegrip van sosio-ekonomiese regte, kan egter nie uit die proses gelaat word nie. In hierdie studie word aangevoer dat waar die strukturele interdikte gee, soos wat in die onlangse verlede gebeur het, selfs al is dit nie genoeg in die konteks van sosio-ekonomiese regte nie, hulle ook verantwoordelikheid is daarvoor dat sulke bevele uitgevoer word. Dit word verder gestel dat die Suid-Afrikaanse Menseregtekommissie en nieregeringsinstansies moet saamwerk om te verseker dat hofbevele beter uitgevoer word. Tot op datum is amper geen hofbevele oor sosio-ekonomiese regte bevredigend uitgevoer of genoegsaam gemoniteer nie.

Thesis (LLD)--University of Stellenbosch, 2000. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The aim of this dissertation is to conceptualise the principle of "environmental justice". In doing so it attempts to determine its meaning, assess its possible use for the protection of environmental rights in the light of the South African Bill of Rights, and draw, in a comparative manner, on examples from two other jurisdictions, namely the United States of America (USA) and India. In the first part of the study "environmental justice" is defined and thereafter the ways in which the idea of "environmental justice" has found expression in the USA and Indian jurisprudence as well as in legislative and administrative practices in these two countries are analysed comparatively. In reviewing the US experience the study concludes that the courts have shown a conspicuous measure of self-restraint in the conceptualisation of environmental justice. Due to its non-activist and formalistic approach, the judiciary has failed to address systemic environmental inequities, and to carve out remedies whereby environmental injustice could have been dealt with in an effective and meaningful way. The more activist approach of the Indian judiciary, on the other hand, has led to more effective protection of the environment and of people adversely affected by environmental degradation. The judiciary has imposed positive obligations on the state to carry out its social duties as laid down in the Directive Principles of the Indian Constitution. Although India does not have a constitutionally entrenched environmental right, the courts have interpreted the right to life proactively so as to include quality of life. The study concludes by examining possible applications of the principle of environmental justice for the protection of environmental rights in South Africa, assessing the law as it stands and exploring new avenues in the light of the Bill of Rights. In this respect the following guidelines are proposed by this study: o Environmental problems in South Africa must be placed within their specific historical and political context. Consequently environmental injustice must be understood as a form of inequity that impacts on people disproportionately on the basis of race and socio-economic status. The concept "environment" can therefore not be narrowly understood, whether it is being dealt with in the Constitution, legislation or common law. It must be recognised that the concept goes beyond ecosystems and that it includes a multiplicity of relationships, in many of which humans are the focal point. o Environmental justice claims in South Africa may best be framed as constitutional claims. Regard should be had not only to the environmental right in section 24 of the Constitution, but also to other rights that support the notion of environmental justice, such as the rights to life, equality and dignity. o Judicial activism is a key to the promotion of environmental justice. The judiciary plays an important role in ensuring that the state and other actors fulfil their obligation to respect, protect, promote and fulfil the rights in the Bill of Rights. Transformation requires a judiciary that is prepared to reconsider the traditional boundaries of the doctrine of separation of powers and to lay down directives for other branches of government, in particular the executive. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van hierdie proefskrif is om die beginsel "omgewingsgeregtigheid" te konsepsualiseer. Die studie poog dus om die betekenis van hierdie beginsel, sowel as die moontlike gebruik daarvan in die beskerming van omgewingsregte vas te stel in die lig van die Suid Afrikaanse Handves van Regte. Verder poog die studie om deur middel van regsvergelyking insigte te bekom uit voorbeelde in twee jurisdiksies, die Verenigde State van Amerika en Indië. "Omgewingsgeregtigheid" word in die eerste deel van die proefskrif gedefinieer. In die tweede deel word die wyse waarop omgewingsgeregtigheid uitdrukking vind in Amerikaanse en Indiese reg, sowel as in statutêre en administratiewe praktyk vergelykend geanaliseer. In die beoordeling van die Amerikaanse ervaring word tot die slotsom gekom dat die howe 'n ooglopende mate van selfbeheersing toon in die konsepsualisering van omgewingsgeregtigheid. As gevolg van die regsbank se nie-aktivistiese en formalistiese benadering, het dit in gebreke gebly om sistemiese omgewingsongelykhede aan te spreek, en om remedies te ontwikkel wat omgewingsgeregtigheid op 'n effektiewe en betekenisvolle wyse aanspreek. Die aktivistiese benadering van die Indiese regsbank aan die ander kant, lei tot meer effektiewe beskerming van die omgewing en diegene wat nadelig geaffekteer word deur omgewingsbeskadiging. Die regsbank plaas positiewe verpligtinge op die staat sodat die staat sy sosiale pligte kan nakom soos bepaal in die Direktiewe Beginselsin die Indiese Grondwet. Alhoewel Indië nie oor 'n grondwetlik verskanste omgewingsreg beskik nie, het die howe die reg op lewe pro-aktief geinterpreteer sodat dit ook die reg op lewenskwaliteit insluit. Die studie ondersoek verder die moontlike toepassings van die beginsel van omgewingsgeregtigheid vir die beskerming van omgewingsregte in Suid Afrika. Dit beoordeel die huidige reg en ondersoek nuwe rigtings in die lig van die Handves van Regte. In hierdie opsig word die volgende riglyne neergelê in hierdie studie: o Omgewingsprobleme in Suid Afrika moet binne 'n spesifieke historiese en politieke raamwerk geplaas word. Gevolglik moet omgewingsongeregtigheid verstaan word as 'n vorm van onbillikheid wat mense op grond van ras en sosioekonomiese status benadeel. D Die konsep "omgewing" behoort dus nie beperkend geinterpreteer te word nie, hetsy dit gebruik word in die grondwet, wetgewing of die gemene reg. Erkenning moet gegeeword daaraan dat die begrip wyer is as ekosisteme en dat dit 'n veelvoud van verhoudings insluit, baie waarvan mense die middelpunt vorm. D Eise rakende omgewingsgeregtigheid in Suid Afrika moet beskou word as grondwetlike eise. Nie net kom die omgewingsreg vervat in artike124 van die Grondwet ter sprake nie, maar ook aan ander regte soos die reg op lewe, gelykheid en menswaardigheid wat omgewingsgeregtigheid ondersteun. D Regterlike aktivisme is die sleutel tot die bevordering van omgewingsgregtigheid. Die regsbank speel 'n belangrike rol deurdat dit moet verseker dat die staat en ander rolspelers hul plig nakom om die regte in die Handves van Regte te respekteer, te beskerm en te bevorder. Transformasie vereis dus 'n regsbank wat bereid is om die tradisionele grense van die beginsel van magskeiding te heroorweeg en om riglyne neer te lê vir ander takke van die regering, spesifiek die uitvoerende gesag.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2000. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Socio-economic rights are the subject of much debate in South Africa and elsewhere. At first they were simply denied the status of any rights at all. Lately, there is a fair amount of recognition for them as rights. The tendency is, however, to relegate them to paper rights and invest very little effort in bringing about their actual realisation. In this thesis I inquire into the question of what a human right, properly so called, is, and then whether, in the light of that inquiry, there is a basis for the reluctance to embrace socio-economic rights. South Africa is uniquely fortunate in having a constitution that gives recognition to socio-economic rights and requiring the Human Rights Commission to monitor their implementation. But again there is a risk that the recognition of socioeconomic rights is left as a constitutional matter, and nothing or little is done for their practical implementation. Therefore I inquire into the manner in which the Human Rights Commission monitors the implementation of these rights. The inquiry into the Human Rights Commission's monitoring role is largely a question of methodology. Whether, in other words, the methods of the Commission are such as to yield reliable information on the subject. I also inquire whether the government's budgetary allocations indicate a serious approach to these rights. The budgetary allocations that are brought under the microscope relate to the seven core rights enshrined in the constitution, namely, housing, health care, food, water, social security, education, and environmental rights. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Sosio-ekonomiese regte is die onderwerp van vele debatte in Suid-Afrika en elders. Aanvanklik was daar nie erkenning gegee aan die status van hierdie regte nie. Hierdie situasie het die afgelope tyd begin verander. Die tendens is egter steeds om dit te sien as regte slegs op papier en daar word nie 'n poging aangewend vir die realisering van hierdie regte nie. Ek ondersoek in hierdie tesis die kwessie van wat 'n mensereg, korrek so genoem, is en ook of, in die lig van hierdie ondersoek, daar 'n basis is vir die huiwering om sosio-ekonomiese regte te aanvaar. Suid-Afrika is uniek in die sin dat die konstitusie erkenning gee aan sosioekonomiese regte en die Waarheid-en Versoeningskommissie opdrag gegee het om die implementering daarvan te monitor. Daar is egter weereens die risiko dat die erkenning van sosio-ekonomiese regte slegs gesien word as 'n konstitusionele aangeleentheid en dat niks of baie min gedoen word rakende die praktiese implementering daarvan. Ek stel daarom ook ondersoek in na die wyse waarop die Menseregtekommissie die implementering van hierdie regte moniteer. Die ondersoek na die monitering van die Menseregtekommissie is hoofsaaklik metodologies van aard; dus of die metodes wat gebruik is, deur die Menseregtekommissie, betroubare inligting verskaf. Ek ondersoek ook of die regering se begrotingallokasies 'n ernstige ingesteldheid jeens hierdie regte toon. Die begrotingsaspekte wat ondersoek word hou verband met die sewe kernregte soos vervat in die konstitusie naamlik behuising, gesondheidsorg, voedsel, water, sosiale sekuriteit, opvoeding en omgewingsregte.

No description available.

Thesis (LLM. (Labour Law)) -- University of Limpopo, 2014 / The discussion looks at the history of commercial sex and how it has evolved in South Africa. The discussion evaluates the challenges that commercial sex workers face in South Africa and argues that the dignity of sex workers as citizens of South Africa are infringed and it would seem that less is being done to protect these workers due to nature of their work. It is argued that sex workers are still entitled to the rights enshrined in the Constitution despite the illegality of sex work. This discussion argues further that sex work continues to exist in South Africa despite its illegality and it would be prudent to address the challenges that encourage sex work because the criminalization of this type of work does not seem to minimize sex work. The discussion further looks at the case of Kylie v CCMA which has been subject to much debate recently. The discussion also makes a comparative study with Germany and determines the lessons which South Africa can learn from this country regarding decriminalization of sex work.

Thesis (LLM. (Labour Law)) -- University of Limpopo, 2014 / The discussion looks at the history of commercial sex and how it has evolved in South Africa. The discussion evaluates the challenges that commercial sex workers face in South Africa and argues that the dignity of sex workers as citizens of South Africa are infringed and it would seem that less is being done to protect these workers due to nature of their work. It is argued that sex workers are still entitled to the rights enshrined in the Constitution despite the illegality of sex work. This discussion argues further that sex work continues to exist in South Africa despite its illegality and it would be prudent to address the challenges that encourage sex work because the criminalization of this type of work does not seem to minimize sex work. The discussion further looks at the case of Kylie v CCMA which has been subject to much debate recently. The discussion also makes a comparative study with Germany and determines the lessons which South Africa can learn from this country regarding decriminalization of sex work.