A Child in an Armed Conflict in the Light of Article 38 of the Convention on the Rights of the Child The thesis aims to transparently elaborate the topic of protection of children in armed conflicts pursuant to the Article 38 of the Convention on the Rights of the Child as well as identification of the main problems associated with the topic and efforts to suggest their solutions. The thesis also focuses on monitoring and enforcement mechanism of individual international instruments. The body of the thesis is divided into four parts, each of several chapters. The first part of the thesis deals with the development of protection of children in armed conflicts until the adoption of the Convention on the Rights of the Child, and relevant international law documents on the protection of children in armed conflicts. The first part also includes a chapter with the identification of the main problems associated with the protection of children. Second part of the thesis concentrates on the analysis of various instruments of international law regarding the protection of children, that is, of course, the Convention on the Rights of the Child and its Optional Protocols, and following documents regarding protection of children based on this Convention, i.e. The Convention of the International Labour Organization...

The use of Private Military Companies (PMCs) has become an increasingly common feature of contemporary armed conflict. Because of their autonomous contractual status, PMCs have presented governments with problems of accountability on several levels, including violations of international human rights and humanitarian law (IHL) standards. This thesis argues that PMCs should be considered to be non-state actors (NSAs), subject to international law from both an International Relations Theory and a Legal Theory perspective. This conclusion is linked to the issue of whether individual PMC employees can be treated as legitimate combatants according to IHL. State practice has not led to a clear understanding of the definition of combatant, a problem which has been compounded by a lack of government policy on the use of PMCs. Using Canadian experience as a case study, the thesis concludes that IHL suggests two options for regularizing the status of PMCs which would both strengthen accountability and uphold the rule of law.

On the particular example of the US new motto of the foreign policy after 9/11 --War on Terror I am trying to refer to the work of the non-profit organization Amnesty International in the field of the international relations. I am pointing out its importance in the decision-making process of the political elites. My intention is to find the correlation between the persuasion of the American population in relation to its leadership or leaders based on the expressed promises in the election campaign. As the object of my work I have chosen the current US President - Barack Obama whose one of his five main promises declared in the campaign was to defeat the terrorism, detain and adequately punish the masterminds of attacks from the September 2001 for the committed crimes. This point comprises the significant change from the approach of his predecessor and so the closure of the Guantanamo military base as a symbol of modern torture and denial of human rights which serves as a detention camp for the suspects of terrorism for more than 14 years now. This was a daring commitment but he gained millions of supporters thanks to it. This option comprised the expectations of sophisticated solutions for tens of substantial issues, including meeting the objective of punishment of the terrorists and establishment of deterrent precedent for any other similar attempts. Obama failed to accomplish it.

LL.M. (International Law) / Please refer to full text to view abstract.

Quel est le point commun entre George Orwell, André Malraux, Davy Crockett et Oussama Ben Laden ?Cette question pourrait en surprendre certains. Comment trouver un point commun entre, l’auteur de La Ferme des animaux et de 1984, le résistant et ministre français et l’élu du Congrès des États-Unis ancré dans la culture populaire ?Qui plus est s’ils le partagent avec l’ancien leader d’Al Qaida.Comme des milliers d’autres, ils ont été des « combattants étrangers ». En des temps différents et pour défendre des causes différentes, ils entreprirent un voyage qui les mena à prendre les armes dans des guerres étrangères. Ce phénomène historique a connu, depuis la dernière décennie, un nouveau tournant juridique à travers le flux des milliers d’étrangers qui ont rejoint l’une des parties belligérantes en Syrie ou en Irak. Pour faire face à cette menace pour la paix et la sécurité internationales, les Nations unies ont alors créé le statut juridique de « combattant terroriste étranger », soumettant ces étrangers des conflits armés aux dispositions de la lutte contre le terrorisme. Toutefois, ce statut semble souffrir de nombreuses lacunes qui, notamment, ne permettent pas de différencier un terroriste international d’un simple volontaire international, d’un membre d’un groupe armé organisé ou encore d’un combattant d’une force armée étatique. George Orwell, André Malraux et Davy Crockett seraient aujourd’hui sûrement considérés comme des « combattants terroristes étrangers ». De plus, l’application de ce statut pour identifier des acteurs des conflits armés entre en opposition avec certaines règles du droit international. Finalement, pour trouver le statut juridique des « combattants étrangers », pour les identifier et encadrer leurs activités, y compris leurs actes terroristes, c’est vers les règles du Droit international humanitaire qu’il faut se tourner. Les « combattants étrangers », même terroristes, sont déjà identifiés par les statuts du Droit dans la guerre. / What do George Orwell, André Malraux, Davy Crockett and Osama Bin Laden have in common? This question might be surprising to some. How to find a common trait between the author of Animal Farm and 1984, the French resistance former minister, and the elected representative of the United States congress rooted in popular culture? Especially, if they are to share it with the former leader of Al Qaeda.Like thousands of others, they were "foreign fighters". In different times and to defend different causes, they undertook a journey which led them to take up arms in foreign wars. This historic phenomenon underwent a new legal turning point the last decade through the flow of thousands of foreigners who joined one of the belligerent parties in Syria and Iraq. To address this threat to international peace and security, the United Nations created the legal term of “foreign terrorist fighter”, subjecting these foreigners in armed conflicts to provisions in international counter-terrorism law. However, this status suffers shortcomings, which make it impossible, in particular, to differentiate between an international terrorist, an international volunteer, a member of an organized armed group or even a combatant of a state armed force. Today, George Orwell, André Malraux and Davy Crockett would probably be considered as "foreign terrorist fighters". In addition, the application of such status to identify actors of armed conflicts is in opposition with some rules of international law. Finally, to determine the correct legal status of "foreign fighters", to identify them and thus regulate their activities, including their terrorist acts, it is to the rules of international humanitarian law that we must turn. Even when qualified as “terrorists”, "foreign fighters" are already identified by the status of the law of war. / Doctorat en Sciences juridiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

"Ideally, peacekeeping operations demonstrate the concern of the international community in situations of instability or conflict arising between or within states. They are conceived to bring about peace and 'ensure the effective promotion and protection of [human] rights'. As a result, peacekeeping operations as well as peacekeepers are expected to comply with standards of human rights and humanitarian law. With respect to the Economic Community of West African States Cease-Fire Monitoring Group (ECOMOG), its intervention in Liberia, Sierra Leone, Guinea Bissau, and Côte d'Ivoire have been generally welcomed as a response to barbaric and devastating wars in West Africa. However, the observation of ECOMOG missions reveals several instances of violations of human rights and humanitarian law committed by ECOMOG peacekeepers. These violations include attacks against civilians, summary executions, rapes, torture, looting, etc. In other words, the saviours have turned into violators of rights. While these violations have provoked concern and indignation, few measures have been taken to address the problem, hold peacekeepers accountable and prevent abuses in the future. ... This study is divided into five chapters. Chapter one provides, among other, the background of the study, the statement of the research problem and the significance of the study. Chapter two gives an insight into the creation, structure, mechanisms and evolution of ECOMOG as the peacekeeping organ of ECOWAS. Chapter three examines the basis for the applicability of human rights and international humanitarian law to peacekeepers and shows the violations committed by the ECOMOG peacekeepers since 1990. Chapter four analyses the responses to abuses committed by ECOMOG peacekeepers. It discusses the national, regional and universal responses to these abuses. It investigates both prevention and accountability mechanisms existing to address abuses committed by ECOMOG peacekeepers. It also explores some potential accountability and prevention mechanisms. Finally, chapter five makes some concluding remarks and suggests specific recommendations for the improvement of the existing responses." -- Introduction. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2004. / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

Mot bakgrund av den tidigare forskning och kritik kring ämnet digitala krigsspel har denna studie identifierat omfattningen av internationell humanitär rätt (IHL) i speltitlarna Call of Duty: Modern Warfare och This War of Mine samt diskuterat de etiska synpunkter som uppenbarats genom närläsning. Resultaten visar att dessa speltitlar skiljer sig i sin skildring av krig sett utifrån IHL. This War of Mine avbildar krig genom ett civilt perspektiv och genom sitt narrativ tar spelet ingen ställning till någon sida utan förmedlar, genom sina porträtteringar av brott mot IHL, den allvarsamma realiteten av krig. I kontrast till detta ställer sig Call of Duty: Modern Warfare på en sida av rättfärdigande av krig mot de makter som hotar den fria världen genom våldshandlingar som brott mot IHL, detta porträtteras genom både ett militärt och därtill civil perspektiv. Vidare har denna studie identifierat frågor vi anser vara av stort intresse för framtida forskning inom digitala krigsspel. / In the light of previous research and criticism on the subject of digital war games, this study has identified the scope of international humanitarian law (IHL) in the game titles Call of Duty: Modern Warfare and This War of Mine and discussed the ethical views revealed through close reading. The results show that these game titles differ in their depiction of war seen from the IHL. This War of Mine depicts war through a civilian perspective and through its narrative, the game takes no position on either side but conveys, through its portrayals of crimes against the IHL, the serious reality of war. In contrast, Call of Duty: Modern Warfare stands on one side of justifying war against the powers that threaten the free world through acts of violence as a crime against the IHL, this is portrayed through both a military and a civilian perspective. Furthermore, this study has identified issues we consider to be of great interest for future research in digital war games.

práce je analyzovat dodržování základních pravidel mezinárodního Hlavní výzkumná otázka zní: "Inklinuje slabší či silnější těchto konfliktů k porušování povinností MHP více než ta druhá?" Hypotéza stanoví, že se slabší strany uchylují k porušování pravidel MHP více než jejich silnější protivníci. zpracována metodou komparativní případové studie ilně vyložena a operacionalizována na zkoumané případy aplikovatelná pravidla MHP. Těmi jsou společný článek 3 Ženevských úmluv, zásada vojenské nutnosti, zásada rozlišování, zásada proporcionality a zásada zakazující zbytečné útrapy. Následně je na základě údajů uvedených mezinárodních databázích ozbrojených konfliktů a rovněž informací získaných z odborných publikací proveden rozbor dodržování aplikovatelných norem MHP. Tento odhalil, že se porušování základních pravidel dopouštěly všechny strany zvolených konfliktů. Nebylo tak prokázáno, že by se slabší či silnější strany dopouštěly porušování více než jejich protivníci, čímž byla původní hypotéza vyvrácena. Bylo také zjištěno, že ačkoli byla v konfliktu stranami do jisté míry porušována stejná pravidla MHP, dělo se tak odlišným západosaharském konfliktu byla oběma stranami porušována stejná pravidla, a to jednáním totožným.

In the performance of law enforcement tasks, military forces frequently use expanding bullets. Such bullets are prohibited in international armed conflicts (IAC:s) by treaty, but in non-international armed conflicts (NIAC:s), the matter is regulated by the principle prohibiting means and methods of a nature to cause superfluous injury or unnecessary suffering (SIrUS), and possibly by an independent rule of customary international humanitarian law. This essay looks first to a proposed solution in which the law enforcement legal paradigm takes precedence, and finds such a solution incomplete and its application limited. It proceeds to look at the prohibition of expanding bullets in NIAC:s as an independent rule,exploring the formation of customary law, the evidence value of military manuals, expanding bullets as a war crime, and the ICTY Tadíc ruling. It finds the evidence of the existence of such a rule unconvincing. It then looks to principle of SIrUS and explores the best approaches for its interpretation and application. Ultimately, it argues that the military utility, in the form of stopping power and decreased risk of collateral injury, provided by expanding bullets is of such a scale and nature that the use of such bullets could reasonably be argued to pass the assessment as required by the principle. In light of this, the essay emphasises the need for treaty-based rules in order create effective weapons prohibitions, and that armed forces are still obliged to properly assess which set of rules govern the use of force.

Ce travail évalue la licéité des systèmes d’armes autonomes au regard du droit international humanitaire en utilisant le mécanisme d’examen juridique des nouvelles armes prévu à l’article 36 du Protocole additionnel I de 1977 additionnel aux Conventions de Genève de 1949 (Protocole I). Il aborde également la responsabilité internationale, tant individuelle qu’étatique, pour les crimes commis à l’aide de ceux-ci. Il examine finalement l’état des discussions internationales et la position juridique des États au sujet des systèmes d’armes autonomes. / This work assesses the legality of autonomous weapon systems under international humanitarian law using the legal review mechanism of new weapons under Article 36 of 1977 Additional Protocol I to the Geneva Conventions of 1949 (Protocol I). It also addresses both individual liability and state accountability for crimes committed using autonomous weapon systems. Finally, it examines international discussions and the legal position of States regarding autonomous weapon systems.