Space technologies are becoming increasingly indispensible for modern societies and militaries around the globe, through a heightened dependency on satellite based services. At the same time, anti-satellite weapons are being developed and tested with the capacity to attack and destroy a satellite with precision. In the light of this development, the legal uncertainty on what rules apply to belligerent use of force in the realm of outer space is problematic. Since dual-use satellites do not enjoy explicit special protection in international law, it is relevant to clarify what legal protection they do hold, being objects enabling indispensable societal services. Would state practice and hostile space conduct prevail clarification, a fatal international custom might develop, and the difficulty of reaching agreements regulating attacks on satellites, along with other hostile behavior, enhanced. The purpose of this thesis is to investigate what the current frameworks of space law and international humanitarian law provide in terms of restraints to states’ legal possibilities to attack dual-use satellites in times of armed conflict. It is concluded that both frameworks do hold restrictions respectively. Though, the need for regulation is still evident in order to achieve a clear and foreseeable legal reality along with a sustainable future of space exploration where international peace and security can be maintained.

Le non-conventionnel, primat de la conflictualité contemporaine, modifie les voies utiles de son règlement juridique et militaire. De facto, à la traditionnelle dichotomie combattants et non-combattants, et aux notions obsolètes de déclaration de guerre et de guerre, se substituent une pluralité d’agresseurs et une superposition de cadres juridiques, fondement même de l’interaction des normes applicables en l’espèce, tant au niveau du droit local interne, que régional européen, ou encore international. La traduction juridique de cette confusion apparaît particulièrement dans les jurisprudences européennes et plus généralement dans la montée de l’Europe et de ses droits. Les connexions inter-juridictionnelles complexes, tant horizontales que verticales, s’illustrent particulièrement en matière de lutte contre le terrorisme, incarnant la mise en balance continue entre sécurité collective et protection des droits fondamentaux. En outre, le déplacement du centre de gravité des nouvelles conflictualités, du champ de la sécurité publique vers celui de la défense, revêt des conséquences en matière de respect des droits fondamentaux et de doctrine d’emploi des forces armées. Celles-ci sont les actrices principales de l’altération concrète du distinguo jus ad bellum, jus in bello, actionnées qu’elles sont sur le fondement de concepts nouveaux, qui sont autant de considérations à l’appui d’une refonte de modus operandi obsolètes, et motivant des interrogations relatives à l’interprétation du droit existant (lex lata) et de la nature des modifications à porter (lex ferenda) / The non-conventional, primacy of the contemporary conflicts, alters the useful ways of legal and military settlement. De facto, beyond the traditional dichotomy combattant versus non combattant, and to the obsolete notions of declaration of war and war, substitute a wide diversity of aggressors and a superposition of legal frameworks, the very basis of the interaction of applicable standards in this case, at the level of both the local internal law, the regional European law and the international law. The legal translation of this confusion figures particularly in european case law and more usually in the rise of Europe and its laws modifications. The complex inter-jurisdictional connections, horizontal and vertical, are particularly present in case of fight against terrorism embodying the continuous balancing test of the collective security and protection of fundamental laws. In addition, the shift in the centre of gravity of the new conflicts, from the scope of the public security to the defence, leads to consequences in the field of fundamental laws respect and doctrine of use of armed forces. They are the main agents of the practical weathering of the distinguo jus ad bellum, jus in bello, sued on the basis of new concepts, which are so many arguments to overhaul the obsolete modus operandi, explaining questions related to interpretation of existing law (lex lata) and the nature of the necessary modifications (lex ferenda)

La multiplication des groupes et des organisations terroristes dans les pays musulmans au cours des dernières décennies a considérablement affecté les populations éligibles à l’aide humanitaire. Les travailleurs et les convois humanitaires eux-mêmes sont ciblés par ces groupes et ces organisations. Cette l’extension de la violence à l’égard de la communauté humanitaire possèdes des raisons et des justifications diverses et variées mais l’on retrouve partout un « choc des perceptions » chez toutes les parties engagées dans l’action humanitaire.Après une étude du contexte général dans lequel interviennent les attaques contre les humanitaires, cette thèse s’attaque à l’étude des perceptions observables chez les populations locales concernant les organisations et les travailleurs humanitaires. Elle étudie également l’impact des législations et des mesures anti-terroristes sur l’action humanitaire et la relation des acteurs aux populations locales. / The proliferation of terrorist groups and organizations in Muslim countries during the recent decades has greatly affected people in need of humanitarian assistance and protection. Humanitarian workers and assets have been targeted by these groups and organizations. This violence against the humanitarian community is due to many different reasons, however this research demonstrates a "clash of perceptions" amongst all stakeholders involved in humanitarian action, including humanitarian workers themselves and the armed actors.After assessing the general context in which the violence against humanitarians occurs, this thesis addresses the state of perceptions amongst local people both in respect of organizations and aid workers. It also examines the impact of counter-terrorism measures on humanitarian action, including international and national instruments, and how these have impacted the relationship between aid workers and local populations.

L’étude comparative des normes du droit islamique et du DIH révèle de nombreux points de convergences aussi bien en ce qui concerne le droit de La Haye que le droit de Genève. De plus, les Etats musulmans membres de l’OCI qui sont tous parties aux conventions de Genève de 1949 et en majorité aux PA de 1977, sont impliqués dans les actions de mise en œuvre du DIH initiées ou dirigées par le CICR, que ces actions relèvent de l’article 1 commun des Conventions de Genève ou du contrôle a priori et/ou a posteriori de la mise en œuvre du DIH. En outre, ces Etats ont adopté des textes favorisant l’application conjointe des droits de l’homme et du DIH tels que la Déclaration du Caire sur les droits de l’homme en Islam de 1990. La contribution des Etats musulmans concerne les mécanismes de mise en œuvre en période de paix et de conflits armés et se matérialise aussi bien par la coopération interétatique qu’à travers celle avec les ONG et notamment le CICR. Bien que le concept de jihad puisse soulever des difficultés, les motifs politiques, davantage que religieux, expliquent certaines réticences des Etats musulmans en matière de mise en œuvre du DIH. / The comparative study of the norms of the Islamic Law and the International Humanitarian Law (IHL) reveals numerous points of convergences with regards to both The Hague Law and Geneva Law, as it can be noticed in the works of the major authors of the Muslim Law of war. Furthermore, the Muslim member States of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, member States of the 1949 four Geneva Conventions or/and the 1977 Additional Protocols, are involved in actions initiated or regulated by ICRC, whether these actions fall under the common Article 1 of the four 1949 Geneva Conventions, or concern the monitoring a priori or a posteriori of the IHL implementation. Besides, many instruments such as the 1990 Declaration of Cairo on Human Rights in Islam have been adopted by the Muslim States, thus favoring the simultaneous implementation of IHL and Human Rights. The contribution of the Muslim States concerns the mechanisms of implementation in periods of peace and armed Conflicts and is realized through both interstate and NGOs cooperation, in particular with ICRC. Although the concept of jihad can raise some difficulties, political motives, more than religious, give explanations for reluctances of the Muslim States as far as the Implementation of IHL is concerned.

Quels rapports entretiennent le jus contra bellum et le jus in bello ?S’agit-il de deux corps de règles indépendants? Ou sont-ils au contraire influencés l’un par l’autre, comme certaines théories le professent de manière récurrente ?Dans la présente thèse, nous avons tenté de répondre à cette question et de clarifier certains aspects fondamentaux des relations entre ces deux corps de règles.<p><p>Dans la première partie, nous avons procédé à l’étude du principe de l’égalité des belligérants. Ce principe constitue la pierre angulaire de l’application des règles du DIH et proscrit toute invocation du jus contra bellum pour influencer l’application du jus in bello. Cela n’est pas évidemment sans poser de problèmes dans un ordre juridique dont une des règles fondamentales interdit le recours à la force. Ainsi, le principe de l’égalité des belligérants a fait l’objet de théories visant à remettre en cause son caractère absolu. Notre étude a montré qu’il n’en était rien. Le principe de l’égalité des belligérants est de nature coutumière et ne souffre pas d’exception. Ainsi, il incarne, dans sa forme la plus absolue, l’indépendance qui existe entre le jus contra bellum et le jus in bello. <p><p>La seconde partie de notre étude a eu pour objet de vérifier si cette indépendance pouvait également caractériser d’autres aspects des relations entre ces deux corps de règles, ou si on contraire, l’étanchéité entre ces deux branches du droit international n’était pas absolue. Ont été analysés, d’une part, les champs d’application ratione materiae et personae de ces corps de règles et, d’autre part, deux notions de fond qui sont considérées comme formant des « ponts » entre le jus contra bellum et le jus in bello :la nécessité et la proportionnalité. Ici encore, notre analyse confirme que l’indépendance constitue la caractéristique principale des relations entre le jus contra bellum et le jus in bello. / Doctorat en Sciences juridiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

1 Abstract Legal Status of Prisoners of War The thesis "Legal Status of Prisoners of War" deals with the issue of war captivity in the context of international humanitarian law (also referred to as "IHL"), or more precisely in the context of the Law of Geneva. In the field of war captivity, both IHL legislation and a number of other international legal branches (e.g. general international law, international criminal law, or international human rights law) are confronted. The thesis pursues two objectives: descriptive and analytical. The descriptive aim is to give a comprehensive overview of the development of the legal regime of war captivity and to familiarize readers with the legal regime of war captivity and the treatment of prisoners of war (also referred to as "POW"), according to the valid sources of international humanitarian law. The analytical aim of the thesis is to find the answer to the research question, who is the combatant, or more precisely who is entitled to the POW status after falling into the enemy's power? The thesis consists of the introduction, which are divided into three parts, and the conclusion. The introduction presents the theme of the thesis, pursued objectives including the research question and outlines the structure of the text itself. The first part of the thesis introduces...

Prohibited means and methods of armed conflicts The goal of this diploma thesis is to analyse more frequent use of Unmanned Air Vehicles (UAV) in armed conflicts under the international humanitarian law. Although the idea to use UAV is not new, there has been a boom of their deployment in last two decades. Technological progress, the transformation of the nature of armed conflicts and the idea of the war on terror are the main reasons why UAVs have become an indispensable tool in war equipment of all the main world's armies. But just like every new technology, also UAVs raise questions about their legality. Therefore, this work aims to assess whether UAVs may represent prohibited mean of warfare or whether their usage is not in contrary to international humanitarian law. The main text of this diploma thesis consists of five main thematic blocks. The first chapter represents an excursion into the history and development of international humanitarian law. It outlines its division into two branches, the Geneva and Haague law. In addition the first part also defines its position within public international law and its interaction with international law of human rights. The second part consists of definitions of basic terms which the norms of international humanitarian law operate with. The first of them...

Magister Administrationis - MAdmin / This thesis attempts to assess the role Africa has played to further the humanitarian approach to nuclear weapons disarmament. Particular focus is on the Pelindaba Treaty and whether it has been able to strengthen the call for disarmament based on the humanitarian approach. The findings of this research are that the Pelindaba treaty did contribute indirectly to the strengthening of the humanitarian initiative of nuclear weapons disarmament because the Treaty serves as an important contribution towards the achievement of a world without nuclear weapons, which is the key objective of the humanitarian initiative of nuclear weapons disarmament. In addition, the Pelindaba Treaty has also contributed in strengthening the call for overall nuclear disarmament. This is the case as 53 states signed the treaty to rid the continent of nuclear weapons and any direct threats associated with those weapons. In so doing, it has contributed greatly to disarmament efforts. A nuclear weapons free zone across the continent is a powerful statement about the desire for a nuclear free world. It has provided African states with a foundation for engaging in the humanitarian initiative, as it led to some standardisation of statements/positions. Also, since the inception of the humanitarian approach to disarmament, African states have contributed greatly to the initiative. In terms of numbers, in the three conferences on the humanitarian impact of nuclear weapons use that have taken place between 2013 and 2014 (in Oslo, Nayarit and Vienna), it was witnessed that the number of participating African states increased from 34 in the first meeting to 45 in the last meeting. This alone indicates the determination and commitment by these African states to the initiative. Conclusively, this research determined that the Pelindaba Treaty and efforts of African states in general have contributed towards strengthening the call for not only the humanitarian initiative to nuclear weapons disarmament but also to disarmament overall.

Sudan is located in the Northern part of the African continent and has a total land mass of 2.5 million square kilometres, with an estimated population of about 39.15 million people.1 Before the secession that established the South as an independent state from the North, Sudan was the largest country on the continent and hitherto was administered as a colony under the British mandate. From 1898 the United Kingdom (UK) and Egypt administered Sudan as an Anglo-Egyptian territory but North and South Sudan were administered as separate provinces of the condominium.2 In the early 1920s, the British passed the Closed District Ordinances which stipulated that passports were required for travelling between the two zones. Permits were also required to conduct business from one zone to the other, and totally separate administrations prevailed.3 However, in 1946 the British administration reversed its policy and decided to integrate North and South Sudan under one government. The South Sudanese authorities were informed at the Juba Conference of 1947 that they will be governed in the future under a common administrative authority with the north.5 From 1948, 13 delegates nominated by the British authorities represented the South in the Sudan Legislative Assembly. Many Southerners felt betrayed by the British as they were largely excluded from the new government. To them, it was a strategy by the British aimed at protecting their interest as far as colonial legacy is concerned.6 They complained that the language of the new government was Arabic and they were under represented. Of the eight hundred positions vacated by the British in 1953, only four were given to the Southerners. The political structure in the South was not as organized as that in the North and for this reason, political groupings and parties from the South were not represented at the various conferences that established the modern state of Sudan. As a result, many southerners did not consider Sudan to be a legitimate state. Although the Sudanese state was considered illegitimate by the Southerners, the Sudanese parliament unilaterally declared Sudan’s independence on 1st January 1956.8 Subsequently, the Arab-led Khartoum government reneged on promises it had made to Southerners to create a federal system. This led to a mutiny led by Southern army officers and sparked off a civil war after independence in 1956.9 Besides the issues highlighted above, the Abyei region of Sudan is rich in natural mineral resources and has been a bone of contention between the North and South. It has also affected Darfur negatively as most of the rebel groups involved in the Darfur conflict, like the Sudan Liberation Movement (SLM) and the Justice and Equity Movement (JEM), also seek for a share in the wealth of the region.10 However, before the June 2011 referendum, the UN Secretary-General, Ban Ki-moon called for the Sudan to withdraw all police officers from the Abyei region of South Sudan.11 Although the referendum resulted in the Republic of South Sudan, separating it from the North which remains the Republic of Sudan, political views expressed by the provinces in the North region have further captured more attention from the international community.12 The quest for Arab domination is common in this area and, one among the leading regions that have fallen prey to this practice is Darfur

Magister Legum - LLM / Currently, one of the most dramatic threats to human security is constituted by internal armed conflicts. In 1998, violent conflicts took place in at least 25 countries. Of these armed conflicts, 23 were internal, engaging one or more non-State armed groups. A crucial feature of internal conflicts is the widespread violation of humanitarian law and human rights by armed groups, from rebel groups to private militias. This thesis aimed at identifying various ways of promoting a better implementation of the Geneva Conventions and its Protocols by NSAGs in the Great Lakes Region. / South Africa