Esta tese consiste na etnografia de um povo Tupi-Guarani da Amazônia Oriental, os Awá-Guajá, localizados no estado do Maranhão. Os Awá-Guajá são um povo fundamentalmente caçador, e a tese se debruça sobre as relações que estabelecem entre as atividades de caça e outros processos de vida, como o parentesco, através da idéia de rikô; e a cosmologia, através da idéia de karawara. Basicamente são examinadas: (1) as formas pelas quais os Awá se relacionam com seu território, e as concepções cosmográficas; (2) as formas de produção da pessoa humana; (3) a conjugalidade e a construção do parentesco; (4) a caça, como uma atividade central à vida; (5) e, finalmente, a relação dos humanos com um grupo de entidades não-humanas denominadas karawara. / This thesis is an ethnographic account of the Awa-Guajá people, a Tupi-Guarani speaking group that lives in eastern Amazonia, in the state of Maranhão, Brazil. The work examines: (1) the ways they conceive of territory, and their cosmographic perceptions; (2) human personhood and ways of being; (3) conjugality and kinship processes; (4) hunting as a central activity to life; and (5) finally, the relationship between humans and the karawara (non-human entities), which is also central to life and Awá-Guajá\'s world. The thesis focuses on the relationships established by these people, the activities of hunting, and other life processes, such as kinship, through the idea of \'riko\'; and cosmology, through the idea of karawara.

A conceptual model relating recreation resource values to the concept of economic rent was developed. The model argues that recreation sites possess both quality and location characteristics which serve as rent producing agents. Sites of better quality extract economic rents relative to those of lesser quality while those located most advantageously to user origins earn location rents relative to those more distantly located. The economic rent values are expressed by the differential use costs and recreationist activity associated with individual site usage. A methodological procedure was developed which generates estimates of total rent values for a given site. The procedure permits identification of rent values separately related to site location and quality. Application of the model was made by estimating recreation values for pheasant hunting in Utah using 1966 data. These data were collected by mail survey from hunters following the 1966 hunting season. Approximately 1,025 questionnaires were used in the analysis. The total rent value estimated from the model was approximately 5.8 million dollars. About 83 percent of the total was attributed to site quality and 17 percent to location. No attempt was made to analyze the variables related to quality. In only three counties, Juab, Millard, and Utah, were location values found to exceed those resulting from quality. Total rent values were highest for Weber, Cache, Box Elder and Davis counties.

With the removal of the Gray Wolf (Canis lupus) from the United States Endangered Species Act (ESA) in 2012, several states legalized wolf hunting as part of wildlife management programs and the protection of livestock. However, the legalization of wolf hunting has created much conflict between Indigenous and non-Indigenous populations in the Great Lakes region. Many Anishinaabeg, or Ojibwe, in the states of Minnesota, Wisconsin, and Michigan object to the state-sanctioned wolf hunting because of their long-standing religious and ecological relationship to wolves as relatives. In the Anishinaabe creation story, the Creator Gitchi Manitou sent Ma'iingan, or Wolf, as a brother and companion to the original human, where the lives of Anishinaabe peoples and wolves would forever become intertwined. While the wolf hunting conflict appears to be one between religion and the broader secular state, it is a complex issue, involving historical religious conceptions of land and power among Anishinaabe and non-Indigenous Americans. Power and traditional ecological knowledge in Anishinaabe culture originates from non-human sources, where humans must establish relationships with other-than-human beings to survive and achieve bimaadiziwin, or "the good life." In a bimaadiziwin framework, wolves are a source of power, knowledge, and well-being for humans, suggesting that they and other non-human beings are valid models of potential ways in which humans may develop ecological models and environmental relations. A methodology based on Indigenous environmental theory and non-human power may provide a broader and more inclusive framework for environmental conflicts, incorporating the roles of all the beings that are indigenous in a certain area. In my thesis, I will show how the wolf-hunting conflict in the Great Lakes region is an example of clashing hierarchical and non-hierarchical systems of relations and knowledge, and explore how an Anishinaabe wolf-based epistemology and ontology is a valid non-hierarchical ecological model for the Great Lakes region and beyond.

During the last half of the nineteenth century, American sportsmen-artists painted hunting-related images that were designed to promote the ideals of sporting behavior, conservationist thought, and the interests of elite sportsmen against non-elite hunters. Upper-class American attitudes regarding common hunters and trappers, the politics of land use, and the role of conservation in recreational hunting played a significant part in the construction of visual art forms during this period, art which, in turn, helped shape national dialogue on the protection and acceptable uses of wildlife. This dissertation takes issues critical to mid-century American conservation thought and agendas, and investigates how they were embodied in American hunting art of the time. Beginning with depictions of recreational sportsmen during the era of conservationist club formation (mid-1840s), the discussion moves to representations of the lone trapper at mid-century. These figures were initially represented as a beneficial force in the conquest of the American frontier, but trappers and backwoodsmen became increasingly problematic due to an apparent disregard for game law and order. I explore the ways in which market hunting was depicted, and how it was contrasted with acceptable "sportsmanlike" hunting methods. Subsequent chapters consider the portrayal of the boy hunter, an essential feature to the sportsman's culture and its continuance, and the tumultuous relationship between elite sportsmen and their guides, who were known to illegally hunt off-season. The last chapters address the subject of the wild animal as heroic protagonist and dead game still life paintings, a pictorial type that represented the lifestyle of sportsmen and their concern for conservative catches and adherence to game law. Developments in conservation during the period were significantly tied to class and elitist aspirations, and artist-sportsmen merged these social prejudices with their agenda for game conservation. Their representations of hunting art both responded to and promoted the conservationist cause.

For many years sportsmen have speculated that hunting limits pheasant populations. With the abolition of the Pheasant Game Farm program in Utah in 1953, this popular concept gained much impetus with the result that, because of public disfavor to a longer season, a 3 to 5 day season on pheasants is the maximum that bas been called in northern Utah and this only in areas classed as "better" pheasant habitat. In contrast to the short seasons in Utah, pheasant seasons in southern Idaho have been from 8½ to 15½ days long for the past 10 years, and will be even longer in 1956 (table 1). Since the topography and land-use patterns of southeast Idaho and northeast Utah are similar, the question has been asked by Cache County sportsmen, "how can Idaho maintain a 15½ day season in Franklin County, while just across the line here in Cache County, we have only a 3 to 5 day season?" Thus the purpose of this study was to investigate some of the factors affecting pheasant populations of northeast Utah and south-east Idaho under differing season lengths. Objectives of the study were to determine (1) the response of contiguous pheasant populations to long (15½ day) and short (5 day) seasons, (2) the hunting pressure under the 2 season lengths, (3) harvest of the pheasant crop under the 2 season lengths, and (4) reaction of hunters, farmers, and land-owners to long and short seasons.

Proof that public hunting on private lands is a growing Utah problem is, perhaps, most easily found by driving down any country lane. “No Trespassing" signs come one to a fence post or so it must seem to the pheasant hunter. His quarry is the most popular of Utah's farm game species and, unfortunately, the most popular subject of farmer-sportsmen disputes. Reasoning that short seasons reduce hunter nuisances and property damage, landowners have long advocated three to five day pheasant seasons. And because of this and a former game department concern about overshooting the birds (Utah Fish and Game Commission, 1941) Utah has had traditionally short pheasant hunting seasons. When biologists found it practically impossible to overshoot pheasants with rooster-only hunts (Allen, 1947 , 1956) Utah's game technicians and some sportsmen began advocating longer hunts. The longer seasons they felt, would increase the harvest of cocks and the public's recreational opportunity. Farmers have not been receptive to increased public recreation on their farms and have resisted pheasant hunts that are longer than, if as long as the standard three days. Some landowner groups have even rejected the three-day seasons and set their own, shorter seasons. Other upland game birds (partridges, quail and mourning doves) frequent private lands, and while they are not as popular with hunters as pheasants are, they figure in hunting-season problems. This has been particularly true of mourning doves. Attempts were made during the 1957 session of the Utah State Legislature to prohibit mourning dove hunting (Stokes I 1957). Advocates of this legislation felt that dove seasons led to property damage and nuisance and also encouraged pheasant poaching. The concern with these, as well as other problems stemming from upland bird hunting on private lands, revealed a need for more detailed information about the se problems. Therefore, a survey of farmers was initiated which had these specific objectives: 1. Determine the amount of upland bird habitat open to public hunting. 2. Learn the reasons why landowners close their property to public hunting. 3 Establish the number of landowners suffering from hunter caused nuisance and damage and the cost of such damage. 4 Find what, if any, method of hunter control held property damage and nuisance to farmers at an acceptable minimum. A review of the literature on farmer-sportsman relations reveals that few states have tried to study their problems carefully before attempting to solve them. The review also disclosed that much of what has been done is so specialized or based upon such limited information that it cannot honestly be compared to problems in other states or even to other areas in the same state. At the outset, I should mention that certain aspects of this criticism will apply to attempts to use this survey as a blanket generalization for the entire State.

No description available.

The aim of this qualitative research is to discover what kind of difficulties recently graduated Chinese international students have faced in finding paid work in New Zealand, and conversely what kind of advantages or opportunities their background as international students may have provided in locating jobs. This research concentrates on the job seeking experiences of Chinese international graduates at Auckland University of Technology (AUT). The results of this study indicated Chinese international graduates faced some common problems and difficulties in the process of their job seeking: identity problems, language problems, a lack of social networks and local work experiences, difficulties with CV writing. The outcomes of this research can help New Zealand policy makers to develop more effective policy for international graduates in order to improve the attractiveness of New Zealand export education industry.

Rakiura Maori continue a centuries old harvest of titi chicks (sooty shearwater, Puffinus griseus) which is governed primarily by Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK). The sustainability of titi harvesting is of high cultural, social and ecological importance. Some commentators view contemporary use of TEK as insufficient to ensure sustainability because it is no longer intact, too passive, and/or potentially inadequate to meet new ecological and technical challenges. Such assertions have been made in the absence of detailed description of TEK and associated social mechanisms. This thesis describes Rakiura Maori TEK practices and management systems that are in place and asks whether such systems are effective today, and whether they will remain effective in future. Ecological, social and cultural factors are intertwined in cultural wildlife harvests so the methodology used was a combination of quantitative ecological methods and semi-directive interviews of 20 experienced harvesting elders. The research also used ecological science to evaluate potential harvest monitoring methods and to determine what sets the limits on harvest. These ecological studies focused on harvesting by four families on Putauhinu Island in 1997-1999. Harvest is divided into two parts. In the first period (�nanao�) chicks are extracted from breeding burrows during daytime. In the second period (�rama�) chicks are captured at night when they have emerged from burrows. Nanao harvest rates only increased slightly with increasing chick densities and birders� harvest rates varied in their sensitivities to changing chick density. Although harvest rates can only provide a general index of population change a monitoring panel, with careful selection of participants, may be the only feasible way to assess population trend and thereby harvest sustainability or the resource�s response to changed management. Rakiura Maori harvesting practice constitutes common property resource management based on birthright and a system of traditional rules. Protection of island habitat and adult birds, and temporal restricitions on harvest are considered most important. Legislation and a belief system of reciprocity and connection to ancestors and environment aid enforcement of the rules. Ecological knowledge is learnt through observation, hands-on experience and storytelling. Younger Rakiura Maori now spend less time harvesting which puts pressure on the transmission of knowledge. Paradoxically, use of modern technology for harvesting aids transfer of essential skills because it is easier and faster to learn, thereby contributing to the continuance of a culturally important harvest. Limits on harvest are passive, with the numbers of chicks taken determined by the time spent harvesting and processing. Processing is more limiting during the rama period. Future innovations that decrease the time to process each chick during rama could greatly increase the total number of chicks caught. Recently introduced motorised plucking machines decrease the time required to pluck each chick. However, on Putauhinu Island, use of plucking machines did not increase the number of chicks harvested, indicating social mechanisms were also limiting. Elders identified changing values between the generations, which may reduce the future strength of social limitations on harvest pressure. Global climate change may reduce the predicability of traditional knowledge. Rakiura Maori have identified this risk and sought to examine ecological science as a tool to complement traditional knowledge for monitoring harvest sustainability. Climate change, declining tītī numbers and potential changes in technology or markets all threaten the effectiveness of current social limits to harvest. Rakiura Maori have previously shown the ability to adapt and must look to add resilience to their institutions to ensure we keep the titi forever.

<p>International travelling is moving full steam ahead and</p><p> Sweden as an international tourist destination plays an</p><p>increasingly important role for Swedish industry. This is</p><p>arguably even more so for peripheral areas where the</p><p>word <em>lay off </em>has become an unpleasantly well-worn</p><p>phrase. A cause of rejoicing is that these regions, at</p><p>road's end, show a sprouting business activity utilizing</p><p>what Sweden has in abundance - pristine nature. To say</p><p>that what cannot be seen does not exist is to go to the</p><p>extremes but marketing matters. It is paramount for</p><p>successful business. The focus of this thesis is small</p><p>companies whose marketing budget, alas, is</p><p>corresponding to the size of their business necessitating a</p><p>careful selection when deciding on marketing.</p><p> </p><p>Against this background we settled on the purpose of this</p><p>thesis; to look at how small tourism firms situated in the</p><p>upper northern half of Sweden are marketing themselves</p><p>today and to explore their knowlegde of causal</p><p>relationships in their marketing. This described research</p><p>aim was pursued by conducting a quantitative study by</p><p>using semi-structured interviews, the latter formed in a</p><p>deductive spirit.</p><p> </p><p>The study indicates a widespread acceptance to</p><p>cooperation but a somewhat worrying unawareness of the</p><p>causal relationship for different marketing tools. There</p><p>was a general belief in the benefit of undertaking</p><p>marketing research but fewer that actually had conducted</p><p>an analysis of the market. Strikingly many respondents</p><p>stated better surrounding nature and level of service to be</p><p>the distinguishing factors that put their company ahead of</p><p>the competition. Can that many companies be better than</p><p>the others? Someone is either telling lies or terribly</p><p>wrong. </p><p> </p>