Submitted by Setor de Tratamento da Informa??o - BC/PUCRS (tede2@pucrs.br) on 2015-07-14T11:15:55Z No. of bitstreams: 1 472158 - Texto Completo.pdf: 751305 bytes, checksum: ffdde5def01a98e514b77df168284466 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-07-14T11:15:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 472158 - Texto Completo.pdf: 751305 bytes, checksum: ffdde5def01a98e514b77df168284466 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-01-04 / This paper seeks to shed some light on a few semantic and syntactic issues concerning aspectual post-verbal particles. Besides having directional meanings or forming idiomatic combinations, the particles associated with verbs in the structures known as particle verbs, phrasal verbs, or verb-particle constructions, can also convey aspectual meanings, namely, continuative aspect, a new subcategory of imperfective aspect proposed by Brinton (2009), and telicity, a notion pertaining to accomplishments, one of the kinds of situations proposed by Vendler (1957). Continuative aspect portrays a situation as continuing in time instead of ending; the post-verbal particles which can add continuativity to the situation they are inserted in are on, along, and away. Telicity is a feature that situations have if they have a definite, intrinsic endpoint; the particles which can add a telos to situations are up, down, out, off, through, over, and away. These aspectual notions might be accompanied by some other related meaning, which arises upon the combination of verb and particle. On the telic group, up is the particle which has the purest telic meaning; its correspondent in the continuative group is on. In addition, if we apply the notion of productivity in the sense of Jackendoff (2002) to them, we can conclude that telic up and continuative on and away are productive, in that their combination with verbs can be built online, and the outputs need not be listed in the lexicon.The remaining particles in both groups are, in turn, semiproductive; this means that, even though there is some regularity in their combination with verbs, those cannot be built online and need to be individually listed in the lexicon. These structures also pose a challenge to syntax; not only aspectual, but all particle verbs have syntactic characteristics, such as particle shift, which are difficult to explain in syntactic theory. The two most commonly adopted attempts are the complex head and the small clause analyses, but neither of them is sufficient to explain all the peculiarities in the syntactic behavior of verb-particle constructions. Jackendoff (2002) proposes that, if binary branching were dropped, it would be possible to propose a theory in which the relations that the particle has with the verb and with the DP complement did not have precedence over one another, which seems to be the main reason behind the difficulty in describing the syntactic structure of particle verbs. Furthermore, a few particularities in the syntactic influence of some aspectual particles on the verbs raise even more questions on the syntax of verb-particle constructions. / Este trabalho pretende esclarecer algumas quest?es sem?nticas e sint?ticas sobre part?culas p?s-verbais aspectuais. Al?m de apresentar significados direcionais ou idiom?ticos, as part?culas associadas a verbos nas estruturas chamadas particle verbs, phrasal verbs ou verb-particle constructions tamb?m podem ter sentidos aspectuais; s?o eles continuatividade, uma subdivis?o do imperfectivo proposta por Brinton (2009), e telicidade, uma no??o dos accomplishments, uma das categorias de Vendler (1957). O aspecto continuativo demonstra a situa??o continuando no tempo em vez de terminar; as part?culas que podem adicionar continuatividade ?s situa??es s?o on, along e away. Telicidade ? uma caracter?stica das situa??es que possuem um ponto final intr?nseco; as part?culas que podem dar um telos ?s situa??es s?o up, down, out, off, through, over e away. Estas no??es podem vir acompanhadas de algum outro significado relacionado na combina??o entre verbo e part?cula. No grupo t?lico, up ? a part?cula que possui o significado mais puro de telicidade; sua correspondente no grupo continuativo ? on. Al?m disso, se aplicarmos a no??o de produtividade de Jackendoff (2002), concluiremos que up, e tamb?m as continuativas on e away, s?o produtivas, pois as combina??es entre elas e os verbos podem ser constru?das no momento da fala, sem necessidade de serem listadas no l?xico.O restante das part?culas nos dois grupos s?o, por sua vez, semiprodutivas; isso significa que, embora haja certa regularidade nas combina??es com os verbos, estas n?o podem ser constru?das no momento da fala e precisam ser listadas individualmente no l?xico. Estas estruturas ainda representam um desafio para a sintaxe; n?o apenas os particle verbs aspectuais, mas todos eles, possuem caracter?sticas, como o particle shift, que s?o dif?ceis de explicar na teoria sint?tica. As duas tentativas mais adotadas s?o as chamadas complex head e small clause analyses, por?m, nenhuma das duas ? suficiente para explicar todas as peculiaridades do comportamento sint?tico das verb-particle constructions. Jackendoff (2002) prop?e que, se a ramifica??o bin?ria fosse descartada, seria poss?vel propor uma teoria em que as rela??es da part?cula com o verbo e com o complemento DP n?o tivessem preced?ncia uma sobre a outra, o que parece ser a principal raz?o por tr?s da dificuldade em descrever a estrutura sint?tica dos particle verbs. Ademais, algumas particularidades na influ?ncia sint?tica de algumas part?culas aspectuais nos verbos levantam ainda mais perguntas a respeito da sintaxe de verb-particle constructions.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-04-14T13:38:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 439174.pdf: 133394 bytes, checksum: d72dd4f059f7c6e93fe8fac60b00e772 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-03-30 / This dissertation claims that embedded Inflected Infinitival Small Clauses (IISCs) in Brazilian Portuguese (BP) are not well accounted for via any Movement- Approach, such as the Movement Theory of Control (MTC), as opposed to embedded infinitives in English. The main focus for the data analysis and for corroborating this thesis under Chomsky s (2008) Feature Inheritance is Control verb complements in BP and English, which in BP are taken as full φ-CP infinitives/φ-complete infinitival CPs, characterizing an unbounded Phase, while this possibility is not available in English. This difference thus adds evidence in favor of the approach to be pursued for Brazilian IISCs to be a Non-Movement one, so that the φ-features of the embedded subject can be saturated within the embedded CP-Phase. Concerning the embedded subject within this context, this dissertation then claims that in BP it is a noun (D/NP), pronoun or a pro (not a PRO), given the status of the embedded clause as a φ-complete, hence an [+ Agr] infinitival CP-Phase. / Esta Tese defende que as senten?as encaixadas do tipo infinitivas flexionadas (Inflected Infinitival Small Clauses - IISCs) em Portugu?s Brasileiro (PB) n?o s?o tratadas de forma adequada via qualquer abordagem com base em movimento, como a Teoria de Controle via Movimento (Movement Theory of Control - MTC), ao contr?rio das mesmas infinitivas encaixadas em Ingl?s. O foco principal para an?lise dos dados e para corroborar esta Tese sob a abordagem Minimalista de Chomsky (2008), conhecida como Feature Inheritance, s?o as encaixadas infinitivas como complementos de verbos de Controle em Portugu?s Brasileiro e em Ingl?s, as quais em PB s?o consideradas como ―full φ-CP infinitives/φ-complete infinitival CPs‖, ou seja, complementos do tipo CP-completos, caracterizando uma Phase/Fase intranspon?vel, ao passo que esta possibilidade n?o est? dispon?vel em Ingl?s. Tal diferen?a, portanto, contribui para evidenciar que a abordagem adequada a ser adotada para dar conta da atribui??o de Caso do sujeito das senten?as encaixadas infinitivas flexionadas em PB ? aquela que n?o envolva movimento do sujeito da senten?a encaixada para fora do CPencaixado; ou seja, para fora da CP-Phase/Fase-CP. Uma vez n?o havendo o movimento, as features-φ (φ-features) do sujeito da senten?a infinitiva encaixada s?o saturadas dentro da Fase-CP. Dado este contexto em PB, argumento que o sujeito encaixado, uma vez realizado, seja um nome (D/NP) ou um pronome a receber Caso Nominativo. E, bem como, quando n?o realizado, seja um pro (n?o PRO) Nominativo, uma vez que o status da senten?a encaixada infinitiva flexionada em PB ? φ-completo (φ-complete); mais especificamente, uma Fase-CP [+Agr].