En banbrytande uppsats med oöverträffade resultat

The present work examined subjects' performance on eight types of four word analogy problems. Two critical dimensions distinguish among these analogy types: specificity and inclusiveness. Whole-part analogies such as hand : palm as foot : sole (read hand is to palm as foot is to sole) are specific because the association appearing in the two word pairs consist of spatial/functional relationships which are highly similar to each other. In contrast, analogies such as car : wheel as boat : mast are nonspecific because they use whole-part associations which are less similar to each other. Analogies are inclusive if they use relatively direct associations, as in the whole-part association illustrated by car : wheel. In contrast, noninclusive analogies require additional inferences between words, as illustrated in the part-part association bumper: wheel, which requires the object car to be inferred. Responses from undergraduate university subjects show that both inclusive and specific analogy problems were solved more quickly than their noninclusive and nonspecific counterparts, respectively. Experiment 1 illustrated these specificity and inclusiveness effects both in a recognition (multiple choice) paradigm, and a recall paradigm where subjects spoke their own answer choices aloud. Subsequent experiments were performed to examine the role of the association types and the role of word attributes in subjects' processing of these analogy problems. Experiment 2 attempted to prime subjects with the association type used in each block of analogy problems, but showed a very modest effect on solution latencies. In Experiment 3 reordering the words within analogy problems unexpectedly increased the latencies for many problems, apparently because different words appeared in the third word positions within them. Experiments 4 and 5 focussed directly on the study of specificity. Experiment 4 showed that the processing benefit found for specific analogies is due to the close match of word attributes between word pairs, not due to the attributes of the particular words used. Experiment 5 manipulated the taxonomic similarity of the subject matter addressed by the two pairs of words, and found that the use of word pairs from more taxonomically distant subject areas increased solution latencies for some analogy types. Experiment 6 required subjects to group analogy problems into categories they defined. This procedure validated six of the eight analogy types used in this thesis; the specificity distinction was not evident among the groups of problems formed by subjects. The discussion of these results supports a theoretical model of problem solving four word analogies which incorporates a stage-like, componential processing for nonspecific types, and a faster, more automatic processing for specific types. The discussions of empirical and theoretical work in this thesis also focussed more widely on its relevance to more practical uses of analogies in problem solving. / Arts, Faculty of / Psychology, Department of / Graduate

Titles: Power, Ideas, Identity: China's Growing Engagement in UN Peacekeeping Operations Abstract Since China's reform and opening-up, China has taken concrete steps to integrate into the international community. China's role and influence within the international organization are in the midst of an evolution. Before, China has remained outside and reluctant to join US-led international organizations, but nowadays, China becomes the firm upholder of current multilateral organizations. The UN Peacekeeping Operations provides a prominent example. China has earlier doubted the role of the UN and upholds strong opposition to PKOs. After China restored its legal seat in the UN in 1971, it took a wait-and-see attitude toward PKOs. In the late 1980s, with China's internal political and economic reform and changes in the international environment, China began to reconsider the UN's role in maintaining international peace and security. Subsequently, China gradually supported and took part in PKOs. Since the twenty-first century, China has been even more committed to peacekeeping. This thesis attempts to identify the key factors motivating China's active engagement in PKOs in the 21st century. This thesis figures out three factors are power, ideas, and identity. On the role of power, this thesis adopts a rationalist...

My ambition in the midst of the myriad of conflicting views in Smith scholarship has been to examine Smith’s perspective on wage labour, as formulated in The Wealth of Nations, in light of previous research, the historical context, his moral psychology described in The Theory of Moral Sentiments, and his presentation of rights developed in Lectures on Jurisprudence. Therefore, the central question has been, “How did Adam Smith perceive wage labour?” Since The Wealth of Nations was formulated in a specific historical context - which has come to be known as the Scottish Enlightenment -, it is necessary to approach the text with an understanding of these historical conditions in order to grasp Smith's economic theory. Thus, it has been crucial to situate him within the political, philosophical, cultural, and linguistic contexts in which he operated. In order to assess Smith's views on wage labour, I have not only familiarised myself with the historical contexts but also examined Smith's positions on issues that constitute his perspective on the matter. A crucial assumption for the fruitful application of the aforementioned method is that the political, philosophical, cultural, and linguistic contexts fluctuate depending on time and place, thus constructing a framework for what is practically possible to investigate, problematise, debate, etc. This characteristic is referred to as paradigm (Kuhn) or episteme (Foucault). The study has applied a synthesis of both concepts. Throughout The Wealth of Nations, Smith assumes the existence of wage labour. However, beyond this fundamental assumption, his perspective on the issue is more complex. He indeed believed that an industrialised capitalist society based on private property rights, production for profit, and wage labour was better suited than any other economic-political system to generate growth and effectively address problems of poverty and inequality. The merits that Smith saw in wage labour were, in many respects, indirect, insofar as wage labour is a logical consequence of the free market and, to a lesser extent, division of labour. For Smith, the free market and division of labour were ultimate. Rather, any problems that might arise from them were expected to be resolved within the framework of these two immutable cornerstones. However, the purpose of Smith's economic and political program was both economic and ethical in character. His analysis of the labour market and its actors was that "the labouring poor" - whose interests intersected greatly with those of society - were at risk of exploitation by employers - whose interests always differed from the general public's - but this could be prevented through full employment, as companies would then need to compete for workers instead of vice versa. However, this is only the lesser of the two problems that wage labour, combined with division of labour, gives rise to, according to Smith. The other being what is somewhat anachronistically referred to as alienation in Smith research. In particular, Smith placed his trust in education to free workers' minds from the monotony of work and prevent them from being dulled, allowing them to think about something other than their jobs and helping them form a realistic understanding of where their own interests lay - and how they harmonised with society's. How then did Smith view wage labour? The short answer is that he saw it as something inevitable, inherent in the free market. However, he did highlight two serious risks associated with the free market and division of labour, namely the exploitation of the working class and alienation. While the former can be mitigated through full employment, the latter can be addressed through the education of the labouring poor.

This thesis studies how the early nineteenth century periodical Iduna, published by the influential Geatish Society from 1811 until 1844, portrayed and shaped their idea of Sweden’s past. Of particular interest to this thesis is how this past was narrated through the use of emotions and how these emotions functioned. The emotional analysis of the recreated memory centres around the poems published in Iduna which aims to show the intricate interrelation between authors and their contemporary cultural climate. It is no secret, as will be evident in the thesis, that the Geats have been rather influential in the common, or at least popular conception of the ancient Nordic. It is thus rather interesting to look at the very fabric of the Geatish past and pose the question of what this may have meant. Why did it matter to Erik Gustaf Geijer that it had once existed a free yeoman beyond set aristocratic influence, and, why did Geijer and his fellows believe that he had ever existed?  This thesis’ emotional analysis uses grief, melancholia, and pride and joy as analytical tools to unpack the Geatish past. The recreated memory itself is further structured in the pressing past and the continuous present, which distinguishes the Geats’ idea that the ancient past of Sweden is simultaneously lost and active. The analysis of these segments concludes, in broad terms, that the Geats partly used emotions as a way to gather an emotionally coherent group, all striving towards the archetypical character – the Swede – shaped by the virtues portrayed in the Geatish narrated past. The Geatish narration further challenges the older Geaticism held by Olaus Rudbeck among others in the seventeenth century. The Geatish society claimed that Sweden had an ancient pride for themselves to be proud of, rather than claiming that Sweden, in fact, was the cradle of civilisation. Summarily, this thesis is centred around how the Geats managed to portray and narrate the past to the extent that they did and further, how they managed to gather a coherent group of readers following the Geatish matter of thought.   Keywords: Geaticism, Geatish Society, Gothic Society, Götiska förbundet, Göthiska förbundet, Iduna, History of emotions, Collective memory, Nationalism, Vikings, Narrated nostalgia, Erik Gustaf Geijer, Esaias Tegnér.

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This thesis is an investigation and an attempt at understanding the connection between the act of building and the act of being. Buildings are developed in the realm of ideas and images. This thesis speaks of a construct wherein the buildings act as a medium by which a dialogue takes place: a discussion of the ideas and conditions of their being. The project, which consists of two buildings, a house and a gallery for an artist, acts as the vehicle of investigation and finds its order through the basic diagram of a line and a curve. The project defines the juxtaposition of the static rigid line and the dynamic moving curve with respect to contextual sensibilities and a metaphorical dimension. The use of metaphor employs an experiential anchor in form of the human dimension. The house, a state of being, is a beginning in creativity. It is a place where water and fire meet. The gallery is a path of spatial perception and procession. It is filled with elements of movement and the metaphor of birth. This thesis is a search for an architecture that is inseparably universal and inherently specific. / Master of Architecture

The gradual blending of classical science and epistemology with indigenous/traditional practices and modes of understanding (particularly magic and religion) in the early western Middle Ages tends to be misunderstood. The purpose of this study is to address the reason(s) why the early medieval West has been labeled an irrational, unscientific "Dark Age" in order to point out that this conception's existence has more to do with limited historical perspectives than with reality. The anachronistic superimposition of modern presuppositions and methodological expectations is a very old phenomenon. Ironically, however, it has crept into the history of science and extended to ostensibly objective "scientific" historiography to such a degree that dismissiveness regarding the other ways of knowing that have informed our scientific and epistemological development frequently tends to obscure historical continuity. My goal in this undertaking is to firmly establish how we may understand that the intellectual revolution beginning in twelfth-century Europe was founded on a rich and multifarious tradition of knowledge and understanding; the preceding seven or eight centuries of the early Middle Ages was not one of intellectual "darkness" and should not be discarded as such. The approach I have taken is intended to demonstrate, rather than simply state, this goal by roughly imitating of the process of intellectual transmission in the early Middle Ages. Therefore, primary sources are supplemented by numerous secondary interpretations from various academic disciplines in the hope that collecting and reforming ideas in this fashion will draw out the inherent connectivity of ideological thought structures and approaches to the natural world. / Master of Arts

Early modern Poland-Lithuania figured significantly in the political perceptions of Europeans in the long seventeenth century – not only due to its considerable size and enormous commercial and military resources, but also, and just as importantly, due to its exceptional religious and political situation. This interest in Poland-Lithuania was shared by many Britons. However, a detailed examination of how Britons perceived Poland-Lithuania at that time and how they treated Poland-Lithuania in their political debates has never been undertaken. This thesis utilises a wide range of the previously neglected source material and considers the patterns of transmission of information to determine Britons' awareness of Poland-Lithuania and their employment of the Polish-Lithuanian example in the British political discourse during the seventeenth century. It looks at a variety of geographical and historical information, English and Latin descriptions of Poland-Lithuania's physical topography and boundaries, and its ethnic and cultural make-up presented in histories, atlases and maps, to establish what, where and who Poland-Lithuania was for Britons. Poland-Lithuania's political framework, with its composite structure and unique relationship between the crown and nobility, elicited a spectrum of reactions, and so this thesis evaluates the role that both criticism and praise of Poland-Lithuania played in British constitutional debates. Consequently, the study argues that Britons' perceptions of Poland-Lithuania were characterised by great plasticity. It claims that Britons' impressions of the country were shaped by multiple – real or imagined - borders, whether cultural, economic or political, but also that Britons were affected by the exposure to a uniform, idealised historiography of this country. Crucially, the thesis asserts that references to Poland-Lithuania constituted an ingenious ideological and polemical device that was eagerly used throughout the period by Britons of diverse political sympathies. Moreover, through the examination of the kingdom's geopolitical role, particularly its fluctuating position as a “bulwark of Christendom”, side by side its engagement against Protestants, the thesis challenges the assumption that anti-Catholicism dominated seventeenth-century British perceptions of the world.

<p>This paper concerns the ideas on society, policies and economic thoughts on Ireland before the cataclysmal famine of the 1840s. Senior, classified as one of the classical economists, elaborated these in the period 1829 – 1836, thus during the period of Parliamentary reform. As a trusted counsellor of the Whig governments, Senior advocated measures opposite to the common notions of laissez-faire. His basic ideas are contrasted to those of Malthus concerning economics and, in particular, the population doctrine that Senior never believed in and in its crudest form refuted. Senior regarded Malthus’ doctrine as devastating to governmental policies. Senior wanted an efficient and strong government. Moreover, Senior evolved ideas, in fact a strategy, for raising Ireland out of her common destitution instead of institutionalizing poor laws. This strategy embraced Catholic emancipation, education, public investments in infrastructure and emigration. His ideas, and proposals akin to Senior’s, are related to the political discourse of the day, which took a more common view of laissez-faire during the period considered. Nevertheless, there is consistency in his ideas on government, public investments and laissez-faire. Senior cannot be described as anything other than an early liberal and a classical economist and, hence, an advocator of economic laissez-faire. This paper underlines the need for a clear distinction between economic laissez-faire as a concept and the concept of political laissez-faire, whereas the former concerns thoughts on economics and the latter is related to the notion of the impassivity of the period of today’s discourse.</p>