This study was prompted by my suspicion that spatial design undergraduates’ production of paper-based freehand sketches during design ideation was in decline. Seeking to find out why, I conducted video-recorded focused interviews with undergraduates from a range of UK spatial design degrees, during which we examined their sketchbook material and discussed their ideational activities (termed ‘ideational moves’). I subjected the data to a form of content analysis, but the outcomes appeared to contradict my initial premise whilst revealing that the interactions during the interviews between myself, the respondents and the sketchbook material (termed ‘discursive moves’) warranted examination. This persuaded me that the study’s focus should emerge through ‘evolved’ grounded theory rather than being stated a priori, which highlighted my presence in, and impact on, the data and prompted me to adopt a constructivist grounded theorising approach in combination with actor-network theory’s concepts of translation and circulating references. This study has thus been qualitative, relativist, iterative and multi-modal. Grounded theorising led to the identification of a number of categories and sub-categories of ideational move across the sample, and indicated that the respondents had used a ‘core’ of each. ‘Core’ categories comprised: making paper-based ideational moves, carrying out research and using photographic material. Several respondents also evidenced producing digital imagery and physical models. ‘Core’ sub-categories comprised using paper-based freehand perspective sketches, sketch diagrams and word-based approaches, plus supporting visuo-spatial research. Several respondents also evidenced producing paper-based freehand plan, section and elevation sketches, plus collage. Grounded theorising also revealed that each respondent had utilised a different combination of sub-categories, with different degrees of connectedness. I did not set out to evaluate the design outcomes showcased, but, as a spatial design academic and practitioner, I felt compelled to. This led to the tentative conclusion that respondents who added to the ‘core’ of categories and sub-categories and worked with greater connectedness appeared to produce more thoroughly-considered work, whilst those who forsook the ‘core’ and worked with less connectedness appeared to produce more unexpected results by allowing ‘ ... room for chaos ... ’: periods of confusion and surprise. Regarding the discursive moves, grounded theorising indicated that the sketchbook material tabled by each respondent during the study was not one fixed thing, but an abstraction using placing-for and directing-to techniques to focus attention on certain ideational moves and away from others. This made the sketchbook material a performance within the network of human and non-human actors who, in effect, co-constructed it as a temporary reality without necessarily realising this. Research into sketchbook material appears to regard it, once shared with others, as having the candour of a secret diary, and as eligible for formative and summative assessment because it documents design process authentically. My study, whilst not claiming generalisability, suggests that this view should be challenged. The new knowledge is now informing my future teaching practice and will, I hope, prompt other academics to investigate whether their own students manifest similar outcomes and, through this, contribute to wider discussions on the formative and summative assessment of undergraduate spatial design development activity.

The aim of this paper is to examine the ideational leadership of the European Unions' executive institution, the European Commission, by studying its legislative response to the surge in irregular migration to the European Union in 2015 and 2016. In order to assess which form of ideational leadership the Commission expresses, key ideas, rooted in either liberalism or realism, were extracted from the selected documents with the help of an analytical tool, created for a deductive qualitative content analysis based on Watt Boolsens' seven step model. Ten legislative documents proposed by the Commission, deemed relevant to its response to irregular migration, ranging from the period May 2015 to June 2016, were selected. Meaningful entities of these documents were coded and designated a subcategory belonging to key ideas of either liberal or realist nature. These subcategories originate from the main categories: State & Individuals, Humanism & Rights, Borders & Security, and lastly International actors & Cooperation. This paper is thereby able to demonstrate which ideas prevail in the Commissions' legislative response to failures in policy during a time of crisis. The results indicate that the Commission expresses ideas predominantly rooted in realism, such as cooperation when deemed beneficial to the...

In the past decade, scholars have discovered how European populist radical right parties have increasingly resorted to instrumentalizing issues of gender equality within broader anti-immigration and anti-Islam campaigns. This phenomenon has been coined as femonationalism by sociologist Sara R. Farris; building on her theorization, this thesis aims to investigate thisfurther in a Nordic context by examining whether and how femonationalism can be traced within the politics of the Finns Party (FP) and the Sweden Democrats (SD). This has been achieved by conducting an ideational analysis of the parties’ official election material and policy documents provided on their respective party websites. The analytical framework applied is political scientist Mats Lindberg’s VDP-triad, in which the central task is to capture the proposed value, descriptive, and prescriptive statements in a text. The thesis’ main findings indicate that for the FP, femonationalism could most closely be linked to their policy implications. Here, the FP advocates for extensive anti-immigration and anti-Islam policies, while also promoting policies that uphold a traditional gender order amongst Finns. For the SD, femonationalism was mostly found in their expressed value statements concerning the supremacy of western values in relation to gender equality, which migrants are supposed to internalize and respect. Implications for future research are to examine the phenomenon of femonationalism further in different country settings in order to gain a more comprehensive understanding of how it presents itself.

The bilateral relations between Sweden and China have been characterized by strong trade relations over the years. Nonetheless, several events between 2015 and 2020 have led the diplomatic relations between Sweden and China to take a different turn. Among them, the arrest of the Chinese-born Swedish writer and book publisher Gui Minhai and the alleged abuse of human rights by the Chinese government towards its population. These issues raise questions on how the Swedish government approaches the opportunities and challenges of China’s growing role internationally. This thesis has the purpose to analyse the Swedish government’s reports, statements and other documents regarding China in the period 2015 to 2020, with the intention of unveiling the Swedish foreign policy ideational foundation. Moreover, this thesis has the aim to examine whether it is possible to see a variation of the ideational foundation during these years. The analysis included the use of social constructivism as a theory and the VDP-triad methodology. From the analysis, it resulted that in the observed time period, Sweden’s foreign policy ideational foundation was characterized by the value of cooperation, especially regarding trade. Moreover, during the period observed Sweden characterized for being more active on criticizing China in regard to human rights, democracy and the rule of law. With China, Sweden is thus forced to balance two competing agendas: to pursue its interests and to promote its values.

The past decades have seen a growing critique of international relations theory (IRT) as being Eurocentric, inspiring the development of alternative interpretations of international politics. One such development is the emergence of Buddhist IRT, which, with only a handful of texts written on the subject, is still very much in its cradle. This analysis attempts to systematically analyse this new contribution through the use of Lindberg’s VDP-triad of ideational analysis as well as thematic analysis. This is important given the power of ideas to shape people’s conceptions of the world and provide road maps for policy makers, as well as the role theory may have in the serving of certain interests. The analysis finds a theory rich in both value judgments, descriptions, and prescriptions, where the most important descriptions regard a unique ontology of radical interdependence, an ontology which deeply affects all other stand-points within the theory. Further, the analysis identifies several areas which need to be clarified and/or confronted in the future development of the theory, including a number of in-consistencies as well as a possible framework for the justification of violence and authoritarian policy.

This study investigates the ideational direction of conservatism in the Swedish student milieu from 1980 until 2022. By a descriptive ideational analysis, shifts in the view of the state, welfare and whether culture, tradition and coexistence in a society should be based on a cultural, national, or ethnic community is investigated. The development is structured by the use of three categories: liberal conservatism, social conservatism and ethno- conservatism. The latter is developed by the author in order to incorporate ethnic unity and monoculturalism into a conservative discourse. A relevant category since questions of borders, stability and migration have increased in political relevance in the last decades. The case for the study consists of Föreningen Heimdal. A student association that aims to spread “reform-friendly conservatism”. Material for the study consists mainly of the association's magazine’s articles and interviews with five former presidents. The period under investigation resulted in five different ideological epochs: 1980-1984 (liberal with liberal conservative elements), 1994-1989 (social con- servative), 1989-2004 (liberal conservative), 2004-2011 (social conservative with liberal conservative elements) and 2011-2022 (social conservative with ethno-conservative elements). A shift has occurred where students emphasize social cohesion and national security from a previous support for the market and an inclusive value community.

Ideas matter. Thus, approaching peacebuilding efforts from an ideational perspective can contribute to a deeper understanding of their meanings and legacies. Traditionally, the liberal peace paradigm has been prevalent in peacebuilding, translating into programs, projects, actions, and agreements that model liberal norms, values, and practices. Among these sets of ideas, it is possible to identify beliefs about New Public Management (NPM), which affect how instruments like peace agreements are designed and codified. However, this relationship has not been thoroughly explored in the peacebuilding and public management literature, although both strive to achieve efficient and effective governance and peace. In response to this gap, this thesis examines, through text analysis, the degree to which the normative and bureaucratic legacies of NPM are present in the design of a comprehensive peace agreement. This required the selection of an empirical case that could deepen the understanding of what kind of public management NPM ideas are embedded and to what extent, hence the selection of the Colombian Peace Agreement, an example of the golden standard in comprehensive arrangements. The study systematically reviewed and codified the text of the agreement –578 provisions or stipulations– based on the presence and specificity of NPM-related doc-trines. The findings show the pervasiveness of bureaucratic legacies associated with strategic planning, performance audit of provisions, decentralisation, and the appointment of managers and high-level bodies to administer the implementation. However, ideas associated with financial control, competition and flexibilization of the public sector, were less relevant. The analysis also identified other ideas, which expand on the civilian input in the main bureaucratic doctrines. Thus, it provides a new insight to understanding peace in bureaucratic terms as the strategic expansion of institutional infrastructure with strong oversight mechanisms within peace agreements. This calls for a more careful review of the bureaucratic legacies and understandings present in peacebuilding efforts and how they could relate to other sets of ideas already reviewed in the literature, which could lead to further research shaping our understanding of peace through time and across contexts.

It is rather often assumed that Swedish foreign policy debate is largely characterized by consensus and that foreign policy goals often are material (for example security or economic welfare). Despite this, it is possible to identify disagreement among political parties about ideological goals – i.e. the promotion of values – in Swedish foreign policy debates. This raises questions about the nature and importance of these ideological goals in such debates. To study this closer I investigate foreign policy debates about the military conflicts in Vietnam and Iraq. The purpose of the dissertation is to describe and explain the content and relative importance of the ideological goals expressed by Swedish parliamentary parties in both party and public arenas. Four parties are included in the study: the Left, the Social Democrats, the Liberals and the Conservatives. The theoretical framework is made up of two main parts. First, I develop a classification scheme to identify and sort the goals found in the empirical material. This scheme includes four goal types: ideological, security, economic, and other. Second, insights from literatures on foreign policy and the behaviour of political parties are used to analyze the content and importance of ideological goals. The research design used in the dissertation is comparative case studies. The empirical material is composed of documents from the internal party arena (meeting minutes, congress material, etc), the parliamentary arena (debate material) and the official arena (press material). The material has been analyzed mainly qualitatively with the help of ideational and argument analysis. In order to estimate the relative importance of ideological goals quantitative content analysis has also been used. As regards the content of ideological goals during debates about Vietnam, the empirical results show all parties discussed the promotion of humanity, democracy and states’ rights to national independence. In the Iraq conflict, all parties expressed goals about humanity, human rights, internal security/safety, democracy and states’ rights to national independence. Beyond these goals, individual or a few parties also expressed other ideological goals. However, a central result is that the parties have linked the ideological goals – which they often agree about – to different ways of reasoning. The empirical analysis also revealed that ideological goals have generally been more important than other types of goals (with the exception of the Conservative Party in the debate about Vietnam). Regarding developments over time, the importance of ideological goals was unchanged for the Social Democrats and the Liberal Party. For the Left there was a slight decrease, and for the Conservatives a significant increase. The overall conclusion about what explains the content and importance of ideological goals in the foreign policy debates studied here is that explanations at the systemic level are inadequate. Variables like the international political structure (polarity) and institutional mechanisms in the EU and the EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy had little explanatory power. Instead, explanations like type of foreign policy issue, party ideology and party strategy were more useful. Differences in parties’ fundamental ideological views were also discussed as an important source of difference as regards the positions and arguments that expressed ideological goals.

My dissertation offers insight into the political epistemology of the Chinese Communist Party and state on the basis of their activities during the post-2008 Wenchuan earthquake reconstruction. By “political epistemology,” I mean how the Party thinks about the nature of politics, including but not limited to the role of the state in the economy. An important facet of this approach is taking seriously the CCP’s distinctive manner of thinking, writing, and talking about politics that is too often dismissed as empty jargon that means little in post-Mao China. I show how a Maoist conception of politics remains at the bedrock of how the CCP understands its own political identity and actions. Certainly, many of the salient features of Maoism have been discarded, such as the emphasis on class struggle, continuous revolution, and the role of the masses in political movements. Despite these trends toward de-politicization and technocracy, the Party’s confidence in the rationality of its planning apparatus and in its ability to mobilize politically to achieve the ends of market construction and biopolitical social transformation constitutes what I call Maoist neo-developmentalism. Each of my empirical case chapters examines a localized combination of post-disaster reconstruction with a national strategy for long-term, “great leap” development. Thus, each chapter traces how the Party’s plans to capitalize the countryside - by way of urbanization, tourism, and ecology – have become stuck in transitional processes. The spectacular market transitions and transformations envisioned by Party leaders became cycles of state investment in local economies that only function by virtue of continued state involvement. The Party’s massive expenditures of maintaining the appearance of success, however, generated local resentment at perceived waste, indifference, and corruption. Each case chapter shows evidence not so much of social resistance to the state (although of course that happened, too) but an intimate negotiation between state and society of high expectations, broken promises, and frustrations. I argue that these “perforations” deep within the tissue of the state-society relationship only make sense when viewed from the context of a Maoist social contact in which the Party’s legitimacy depends on its perceived ability to serve the people. / text

O objetivo desta análise é investigar os gritos de guerra militares, um gênero discursivo constituído nas práticas sociais do ambiente da caserna e resultado de crenças e de percepções definidoras da identidade militar. Neste trabalho, analisamos trinta gritos de guerra coletados no ano de 2009 junto a grupamentos de cadetes da Academia Militar das Agulhas Negras (AMAN). Com base nos pressupostos teóricos da Linguística Sistêmico-Funcional, tendo como ponto de partida o significado ideacional de Halliday (1985), analisamos como se dá a organização do sistema linguístico em conformidade com o aspecto funcional dos gritos de guerra. Pela categoria da transitividade, buscamos compreender como se manifestam as representações de mundo na estrutura oracional. Ao evidenciarmos uma maior presença de processos materiais e relacionais na materialização linguística das experiências de mundo, pudemos caracterizar melhor a natureza de práticas sociais em contexto militar e perceber que tais processos orientam-se na construção de sentidos de maneira a instituir uma identidade institucionalizada. Pelo mapeamento dos modos de representação dos atores sociais, com base nas categorias sociossemânticas apresentadas por Van Leeuwen (1997), percebemos que os indivíduos inscrevem-se na materialidade textual, principalmente, por meio da coletivização, evidenciando assim uma forma particular de inserção dos sujeitos na vida castrense. Tal fato revela o grupo como entidade que deve se fundamentar na coesão entre seus integrantes, aspecto basilar para a consolidação da própria instituição. O modo como os militares são representados nos gritos de guerra orienta-se na formação de uma identidade grupal necessária para que, por meio desse gênero, sejam alcançados propósitos institucionalmente definidos, que podem ser sintetizados na ideia de preparação do espírito militar / The purpose of this thesis is to investigate todays military war cries, a discourse genre that originates in the social practices of the military environment and is the result of beliefs and perceptions that define the military identity. In this study, thirty war cries collected in 2009 along with groups of cadets from the Academia Militar das Agulhas Negras (AMAN) were analyzed. Based on the theoretical framework of Systemic Functional Linguistics, having Hallidays ideational meaning as a starting point (Halliday, 1985), the research aimed to show how the organization of the linguistic system occurs in accordance with the functional aspect of the war cries. By means of the category of transitivity, this study looked into how the representations of the world are manifested in the clausal structure. By showing a greater presence of material and relational processes in the materialization of the linguistic world experiences, the nature of social practices in the military context could be better characterized; also, the meaning constructed by such processes helped to establish an institutionalized identity. By mapping the modes of representation of social actors, based on the socio-semantic categories presented by Van Leeuwen (1997), this research found that the individuals are inscribed into the textual materiality mainly through collectivization, thus revealing a particular form of integration of the subjects in the military sphere. This, in turn, shows the group as an entity that relies on the cohesion created among its members, which is fundamental to the consolidation of the institution itself. The way the military are represented in the battle cries revealed na identity necessary to the group so that, through this genre, certain institutionally defined goals are achieved, which can be summarized in the idea of developing the military spirit