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Denna uppsats behandlar hur jämställdhet ses och porträtteras i Sverige. Jämställdhet är komplext och olika aktörers ser olika problem i samhället och därmed olika lösningar. I uppsatsen diskuteras användandet av sociala medier i politiskt syfte. Syftet med uppsatsen är att undersöka hur makt och motstånd yttrar sig på konton vars inlägg på sociala medier som handlar om jämställdhet. Genom att använda makt- och motståndsteori identifieras två olika diskurser gällande jämställdhet: femonationalistisk och radikalfeministisk diskurs. Metoden för att kunna genomföra undersökningen är kvalitativ textanalys och WPR analys. Genom ett WPR-instrument har ett urval av frågor formulerats och sedan ställts till texterna. Materialet som analyseras är inlägg och kommentarer från 8 olika konton på olika sociala medier. Alla konton visar på ett flertal av både makt- och motståndshandlingar, samt olika identifieringar av olika makt- och motståndsfaktorer. Utifrån denna undersökning kan vi se att makt och motstånd hela tiden är närvarande i diskussioner om jämställdhet men yttrar sig på olika sätt beroende på vilka aktörer man står i relation till just i den situationen.

The aim of the thesis is to contribute to an increased understanding on how immigrant women are being constructed in Swedish media in relation to labour. It is also to gain a greater understanding of the different kinds of expressions of ‘Swedish values’ and ‘othering’ that immigrant women are associated with in editorial pages in Swedish newspapers. Fairclough's critical discourse analysis is used to answer the research questions of the study. 27 editorial texts, published between 2016 - 2018, regarding immigrant women in relation to labour is analyzed. The theoretical framework used in the thesis consists of the framing theory, the concept of stereotypes and othering, and femonationalism. The result shows that ‘Swedish values’ and especially ‘Swedish gender equality’ is utilized to position the immigrant woman as the opposite of the “Swedish woman”. In addition to the overall prevailing discourses of ‘Swedish values’ and especially ‘Swedish gender equality’, the media's image of the immigrant women entailed three sub discourses; the Dependent, the Victim and the Unqualified.

In the past decade, scholars have discovered how European populist radical right parties have increasingly resorted to instrumentalizing issues of gender equality within broader anti-immigration and anti-Islam campaigns. This phenomenon has been coined as femonationalism by sociologist Sara R. Farris; building on her theorization, this thesis aims to investigate thisfurther in a Nordic context by examining whether and how femonationalism can be traced within the politics of the Finns Party (FP) and the Sweden Democrats (SD). This has been achieved by conducting an ideational analysis of the parties’ official election material and policy documents provided on their respective party websites. The analytical framework applied is political scientist Mats Lindberg’s VDP-triad, in which the central task is to capture the proposed value, descriptive, and prescriptive statements in a text. The thesis’ main findings indicate that for the FP, femonationalism could most closely be linked to their policy implications. Here, the FP advocates for extensive anti-immigration and anti-Islam policies, while also promoting policies that uphold a traditional gender order amongst Finns. For the SD, femonationalism was mostly found in their expressed value statements concerning the supremacy of western values in relation to gender equality, which migrants are supposed to internalize and respect. Implications for future research are to examine the phenomenon of femonationalism further in different country settings in order to gain a more comprehensive understanding of how it presents itself.

In Sweden, Muslims have increasingly become accused of being a threat to liberal, gender equal values and Muslim women constructed as victims and often excluded from Feminist discourses. Therefore, this study aimed to explore how Feminist Muslim women construct and navigate their Feminist beliefs in Sweden. Qualitative data was collected through opend-structured interviews with five foreign-born women, residing in Sweden. The thematic analysis showed that overall, the interviewees were navigating the complexities of intersecting identities - as Muslim, women, migrants and living in Swedish society. Main contributions included how intersectionality helped to communicate their beliefs and expereinces against percieved stereotypes of Muslim women and how experiences of othering reinforced how they understood obstacles they faced in their everyday lives. Postcolonial Feminist theory and the concept of "othering" were applied to help explain the findings.

Ce mémoire analyse la participation des femmes au nationalisme hindou associé au hindutva à travers la perspective de l’action collective, et ce, durant le premier mandat du très charismatique et nationaliste Premier ministre de l’Inde, Narendra Modi (2014–2019). Plus spécifiquement, il s’agit de cerner le narratif mobilisé se matérialisant en actions concrètes par les organisations féminines de la société civile du hindutva les plus importantes, la Rashtra Sevika Samiti et la Durga Vahini. Une analyse de cadrage médiatique permet de recenser les cadres de l’action collective qui sont fondés sur des conceptions socialement construites de la féminité et mobilisés par ces organisations féminines du hindutva. En plus de démontrer la forte prévalence du cadre féminin de la victime, suivis de près par celui de la mère et, finalement, celui de la guerrière, les résultats obtenus démontrent la mobilisation simultanée d’un cadre de compréhension global, le cadre cardinal du hindutva, véhiculant une hindouïté basée sur l’adéquation entre la religion et la nation hindoue. La prédominance des campagnes contre le love jihad et de leur narratif conspirationniste anti-musulman est attribuée au nouvel alignement de cadres issu de la structure d’opportunité politique que représente l’élection majoritaire du BJP. Avec l’élection de Narendra Modi, le parti nationaliste de droite qu’est le BJP solidifie ses positions néolibérales et mobilise un narratif faisant la promotion de l’empowerment féminin. Ces alliances s’inscrivent dans la montée du fémonationalisme, néologisme pouvant être attribué aux idéaux féministes et nationalistes associés à des discours et des politiques xénophobes et, plus particulièrement, anti-musulmans. / This thesis analyzes women’s participation in Hindu nationalism associated to the hindutva ideology through the perspective of collective action, during the first term of the charismatic and nationalist Prime minister of India, Narendra Modi (2014–2019). More specifically, it seeks to identify the narrative being mobilized and materialized in concrete actions by the most important female hindutva civil society organizations, the Rashtra Sevika Samiti and the Durga Vahini. A media framing analysis identified the collective action frames based on socially constructed conceptions of femininity and mobilized by these feminine organizations of the hindutva. In addition to demonstrating the high prevalence of the feminine victim frame, closely followed by that of the mother and, finally, that of the warrior, the results demonstrate the simultaneous mobilization of a global framework of understanding, the hindutva master frame, conveying a Hinduism based on the adequacy between religion and the Hindu nation. The predominance of anti love jihad campaigns and their conspiratorial anti-Muslim narrative is attributed to the new frame alignment emerging from the political opportunity structure represented by the majority election of the BJP. With the election of Narendra Modi, the BJP right-wing nationalist party solidifies its neoliberal positions and mobilizes a narrative promoting female empowerment. These alliances are part of the rise of femonationalism, neologism that can be attributed to feminist and nationalist ideals associated with xenophobic and, more specifically, anti-Muslim discourses and policies.