Personnage de l'entre-deux mettant à mal les frontières communément admises entre l'enfance et l'âge adulte, entre la puissance et la vulnérabilité, entre la victime et le bourreau, l'enfant-soldat est une figure marquante de notre contemporanéité. Il n'est donc guère étonnant de le voir devenir un personnage littéraire. Cette étude a cherché à déterminer, dans une approche comparatiste, quel traitement les oeuvres littéraires réservaient à ce personnage et la manière dont elles en faisaient une figure singulière. Loin de simplement reprendre un répertoire exogène de significations et prolonger la figure médiatique de l'enfant-soldat, loin de miser uniquement sur la violence de son hybridité, les romans africains anglophones et francophones construisent une figure de témoin. Ce que l'étude a souhaité rendre visible, ce sont alors les visions tant historiographiques, éthiques que politiques que porte l'enfant-soldat témoin des guerres civiles africaines / As an in-between character questioning the usually admitted borders between childhood and adulthood, power and vulnerability, victim and executioner, the child soldier is a gripping figure of our contemporaneity. It is thus not surprising he became a literary character. In a comparative approach, this study has sought to determine the literary works treatment of this character and how they turn it into a singular figure. Far from simply resorting to an exogenous list of significations and extending the media figure of the child soldier, far from only focusing on the violence of its hybridity, English and French African novels build a figure of a witness. This study has therefore been interested in revealing the historiographicalas well as the ethical and political visions of the child soldier who experiences African civil wars

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T17:56:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Lucas Patschiki_parte1.pdf: 3784874 bytes, checksum: ff646a9f25e7c4f7022c0a280c29048a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-03-29 / Fundação Araucária / In this dissertation we investigated the performance of the partisan group organized around the website Maskless Media (Mídia Sem Máscara, www.midiasemmascara.org) between the years 2002 and 2011. The website was founded in the year of 2002 in the context of presidential elections to elect Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva of the Workers Party (Partido dos Trabalhadores), presenting itself as an observatory of the press, under the responsibility of the main organizer Olavo de Carvalho. He proposed through the Mídia Sem Máscara group a series of right-wing intellectuals around an ideological component: the anticommunism. After this election there is a fast rise on anticommunism in Brazilian media as an element of pressure on the Labor Party to fulfill the commitments made with the bourgeoisie and imperialism. Explanation that is not sufficient to characterize the progress of an organized movement of fascist type, which we´ll analyze through the limits of ultra-liberalism as a social-historical project, unable to resolve the crisis of capital-imperialism. In this conjuncture its anticommunism served as common ideological basis for the fascist spectrum of society, organizing a movement aiming the intensification of class struggle. Starting from this bases, the group Mídia sem Máscara began their militating for a fascist project - not yet fully developed, given the circumstances. Fascism is here understood as a phenomenon born with imperialism, which first political and social function is to rearrange the block in the power in a brutal manner during the open crisis, for the maintenance and reproduction of class society which indicates its character of constant struggle against the working class and generally against any democratic advance. This does not mean that any crisis gives way to an alternative fascist, but is by the perspective of institutional breakdown that contemporary fascist movements are organized. It is one of the prerogatives of what we might call the third fascist wave , ideologically distinct from the previous by the acceptance of the ultra-liberal economic presuppositions and organizationally by the emphasis on the formation of networks around the party. We investigate in this dissertation: the approaches to the immediate history in academy; the production of historical knowledge and the question of historical truth; the qualitative developments of capitalism in the last century; the development of the internet as part of the expansion of forms of reproduction of capital; the installation of Internet in Brazil; fascist movements in its transformations; the public career of Olavo de Carvalho; the formation of the Mídia Sem Máscara and its affirmation; its organization; discursive peculiarity; ways of activity for propaganda, cooptation and training of their readers-militants over the internet; the social groups which are aimed; its network around the party; and their ideological assumptions, emphasizing the specificity of their anticommunism (the anticommunism against Gramsci). / Investigamos nesta dissertação a atuação partidária do grupo organizado em torno do website Mídia Sem Máscara (www.midiasemmascara.org) entre os anos de 2002 e 2011. Ele se constitui em 2002, no contexto das eleições presidenciais que elegeram Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, do Partido dos Trabalhadores, apresentando-se como um observatório de imprensa, sob a responsabilidade de seu principal organizador Olavo de Carvalho. Este propunha através do Mídia Sem Máscara agrupar uma série de intelectuais de direita em torno de um componente ideológico: o anticomunismo. Após aquela eleição houve rápida ascensão anticomunista na mídia brasileira, elemento de pressão sobre o Partido dos Trabalhadores para que cumprisse os compromissos assumidos com a burguesia e o imperialismo. Explicação que não é suficiente para caracterizar o avanço de um movimento organizado de tipo fascista, que iremos analisar através dos limites do ultraliberalismo como projeto histórico-social, incapaz de solucionar as crises do capital-imperialismo. Nesta conjuntura o anticomunismo serviu como base ideológica comum para o espectro fascista da sociedade, um movimento organizador visando o acirramento da luta de classes. O Mídia Sem Máscara partiu destas bases militando por um projeto fascista ainda não plenamente desenvolvido, já que determinado pela conjuntura. O fascismo é compreendido aqui como um fenômeno nascido com o imperialismo, cuja função política e social primária é o de reorganizar o bloco no poder de maneira brutal durante a crise aberta, para a manutenção e reprodução da sociedade de classes o que denota seu caráter de luta aberta contra a classe trabalhadora e suas organizações, de maneira geral contra qualquer avanço conquistado pelas classes exploradas. Isto não significa que qualquer crise abre caminho para a alternativa fascista, mas é pela perspectiva de ruptura institucional que os movimentos fascistas contemporâneos organizam-se. Esta é uma das prerrogativas do que podemos chamar de terceira onda fascista, ideologicamente distinta das anteriores pela aceitação dos pressupostos econômicos ultraliberais e organizativamente pela ênfase na formação de redes extrapartidárias. Iremos abordar nesta dissertação: a relação da história imediata com a academia; a produção do conhecimento histórico e a questão da verdade histórica; os desenvolvimentos qualitativos do capitalismo no século passado; o desenvolvimento da internet como parte da ampliação das formas de reprodução do capital; a instalação da internet no Brasil; os movimentos fascistas em suas transformações; a trajetória pública de Olavo de Carvalho; a constituição e afirmação do Mídia Sem Máscara; sua organização; peculiaridade discursiva; formas de atuação para propaganda, cooptação e formação de seus leitores-militantes através da internet; os grupos sociais aos quais dirigem-se; sua rede extrapartidária; e suas premissas ideológicas, enfatizando a especificidade de seu anticomunismo (o anticomunismo contra Gramsci).

La thèse propose d’étudier l’émergence et la circulation du syntagme printemps arabe(s) comme dénomination événementielle dans la presse écrite. Elle a pour objectif principal d’examiner le processus de dénomination et de qualification des événements historiques dans et par les médias représentés ici par la presse écrite, en retraçant le parcours d’un syntagme-clé de l’Histoire immédiate. L’étude s’inscrit dans le domaine de l’analyse linguistique des discours médiatiques. Elle fait appel à plusieurs champs théoriques croisant sciences du langage et sciences de l’information et de la communication. La démarche relève de l’analyse du discours comme domaine de recherche - sur la langue, le discours et le sens - ancré dans les sciences du langage, où le traitement automatique se présente comme un outil d’investigation. Le corpus d’étude est formé d’un ensemble de textes de la presse écrite internationale d’expression française, arabe et dans une moindre mesure anglaise. Au-delà de cette étude de cas, l’étude sert d’exemple d’analyse lexico-discursive de la nomination des événements dans la presse écrite, comme de l’émergence et de la circulation d’un syntagme dénominatif lié à un moment historique et dont l’impact dépasse les frontières du monde arabe. / The thesis proposes to study the emergence and the circulation of Arab Spring phrase as event denomination in the press. Its main objective is to examine the process of naming and qualifying historical events in the media represented here by the written press. Going back over the course of a key phrase in the immediate history is the central object of the study.The research is a case of media discourse analysis. It uses several theoretical fields crossing language sciences and communication sciences. The approach is based on the analysis of discourse as a field of research - on language, discourse and meaning - rooted in the language sciences, where automatic processing presents a tool for study. The corpus of study is composed of the texts of the international written press.Beyond this specific case, the study serves as an example of lexical and discursive analysis of naming events in the written press, as well as the emergence and circulation of a denominational phrase associated with a historical moment.