The principal objective of this thesis is to explore the representation of China in British television documentaries broadcast between 1980 and 2000, focusing on historical documentaries. The thesis addresses, as its primary research questions and on the basis of substantial database, what is represented, how that representation is realised, and the social, historical influences which contextualise and underpin the representation of China. These questions relating to textual representation are framed within the wider context of Sino-Western relations, Western self-perceptions and conceptions of China. The study aims to reveal mechanisms of textual representation by concentrating on two main dimensions: the internal narrative structures and key discursive formations of the documentary text (including visuals), and structures of power relations operating to shape the representation in both the textual domain of meaning mediation and institutional domain of documentary production. Two aspects of the representation are foregrounded: China as a civilisation and China as a Communist `other'. The thesis focuses primarily on the narrative as a methodology in approaching representation, as documentary achieves meaning mainly through the stories it tells. Two dimensions of narrative are explored: a structuralist dimension drawing on theories developed by Propp and Silverstone, and a discursive dimension which is framed within Foucault's concept of power and knowledge. Extensive primary research established the database for the study, which is made up of 170 documentaries broadcast during the sample period between 1980 and 2000, and 18 field interviews with key personnel in broadcasting and production companies. The thesis argues that the British television documentary representation presents a largely Western understanding of China filtered through, among other things, selfperceptions and conceptions of the `other', and mediated by various sources of power. The process of representing `what is China' is enmeshed with the process of constructing how China should be viewed. The result of this social construction of truth and knowledge is that certain values, convictions, and ideologies are reinforced and reproduced in the vital domain of documentary representation

Energy and transportation are topics of great importance to global sustainable development.  Tesla Motor Corporation is an electric vehicle company with the objective to “accelerate the world’s transition to sustainable energy” (Musk, 2016).  This thesis, a media discourse analysis, examines media texts concerning Tesla Motors to provide a better understanding of the company’s hitherto success in penetrating the automotive market.  Qualitative analyses of text were utilized to first define the discourse, then to describe how it has contributed to Tesla’s success.  A combination of word frequency analysis, textual analysis for positive modality, and analysis for principles of branding was utilized as method.  A sample set of 15 texts were analyzed to define the macro discourse, and one interview of Elon Musk analyzed closely to explicate how the textual content contributes to the company’s success. The results of a word frequency analysis suggest that Elon Musk’s personal narrative represents the discourse surrounding Tesla Motors and that it contributes to the company’s success via being imbued with authoritybuilding, trust building, and branding content.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2005. / Available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center; full text release delayed at author's request until 2008 Nov 28

Thesis (M.A.)--Carleton University, 2001. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 154-160). Also available in electronic format on the Internet.

This diploma thesis deals with the topic of Early Warning Systems (EWS), a key part of conflict prevention. It applies a model of quantitative analysis of international media outputs on the case of the Mali insurgency in January 2012. As an EWS tool, it analyzes international media represented by the major global press agencies. The main goal of the thesis is to answer the following research question: Did the international media manage to anticipate the outbreak of the conflict in Mali? The answer should also show whether international media can detect growing tensions leading to a conflict and therefore whether they could be used as an EWS tool. The application of the model should, observing the period from August 2011 to the beginning of the insurgency on January 17, 2012, prove whether the conflict could have been anticipated. In order to contextualize the model, structural factors of instability were identified in the discussion of the dynamics of the conflict that has been repeating itself for dozens of years. A discourse analysis of international media during the observed period was also presented on the background of the securitization theory of the Copenhagen school of security studies. The discourse analysis and the quantitative EWS model have both shown that international media have not...

La thèse propose d’étudier l’émergence et la circulation du syntagme printemps arabe(s) comme dénomination événementielle dans la presse écrite. Elle a pour objectif principal d’examiner le processus de dénomination et de qualification des événements historiques dans et par les médias représentés ici par la presse écrite, en retraçant le parcours d’un syntagme-clé de l’Histoire immédiate. L’étude s’inscrit dans le domaine de l’analyse linguistique des discours médiatiques. Elle fait appel à plusieurs champs théoriques croisant sciences du langage et sciences de l’information et de la communication. La démarche relève de l’analyse du discours comme domaine de recherche - sur la langue, le discours et le sens - ancré dans les sciences du langage, où le traitement automatique se présente comme un outil d’investigation. Le corpus d’étude est formé d’un ensemble de textes de la presse écrite internationale d’expression française, arabe et dans une moindre mesure anglaise. Au-delà de cette étude de cas, l’étude sert d’exemple d’analyse lexico-discursive de la nomination des événements dans la presse écrite, comme de l’émergence et de la circulation d’un syntagme dénominatif lié à un moment historique et dont l’impact dépasse les frontières du monde arabe. / The thesis proposes to study the emergence and the circulation of Arab Spring phrase as event denomination in the press. Its main objective is to examine the process of naming and qualifying historical events in the media represented here by the written press. Going back over the course of a key phrase in the immediate history is the central object of the study.The research is a case of media discourse analysis. It uses several theoretical fields crossing language sciences and communication sciences. The approach is based on the analysis of discourse as a field of research - on language, discourse and meaning - rooted in the language sciences, where automatic processing presents a tool for study. The corpus of study is composed of the texts of the international written press.Beyond this specific case, the study serves as an example of lexical and discursive analysis of naming events in the written press, as well as the emergence and circulation of a denominational phrase associated with a historical moment.

Contemporary urban planning emphasizes the need for practice to be collaborative and communicative. It stresses on the importance of public engagement and participation. To ensure informed participation, planners need to provide relevant information to the public. However, the relevance of that information depends on an understanding of the existing discourse about the issue of interest. My research examined Transit City as a case study to demonstrate how that understanding can be gained. The question that framed the research was: What are the characteristics of discourses surrounding urban planning issues? The research focused on examining media coverage to gain that understanding for two reasons. Firstly, the media are considered to be the main purveyors of public discourse. However, there are limitations in the way they represent issues as this research found. Secondly, the media play an informant role, however imperfectly, on topics that matter. In part, this role gives them their importance and influence. The research examined media discourse surrounding Transit City in 94 articles in National Post, the Toronto Star, CUTA Forum, and Ontario Planning Journal to answer the research question. Discourse analysis was used as a method to investigate the topic under the framework of interpretive policy analysis. The research found that four of the media outlets used discursive practices of representation that highlighted certain themes and excluded others. It also found that the discursive communities that were identified in the media discourse interpreted Transit City differently through their discursive frames that were informed by their interest and responsibility in regards to Transit City and their core belief systems. As such their “argumentative logic” highlighted some aspects of Transit City and excluded others in the debate that ensued. The understanding of such characteristics of discourse can help planners in two ways. First, it informs the planning and the tailoring of messages they relay to discursive communities of various relevance. It allows them to have a stronger participation in the shaping of media discourse and generation of informed debate in the public as well as the professional sphere. Second, it can help planners in developing solutions to address points of controversy and bridge differences among stakeholders effectively in their role as mediators and consensus builders. Both benefits have positive implications in creating informed participation and making the planning process a collaborative and communicative effort.

Contemporary urban planning emphasizes the need for practice to be collaborative and communicative. It stresses on the importance of public engagement and participation. To ensure informed participation, planners need to provide relevant information to the public. However, the relevance of that information depends on an understanding of the existing discourse about the issue of interest. My research examined Transit City as a case study to demonstrate how that understanding can be gained. The question that framed the research was: What are the characteristics of discourses surrounding urban planning issues? The research focused on examining media coverage to gain that understanding for two reasons. Firstly, the media are considered to be the main purveyors of public discourse. However, there are limitations in the way they represent issues as this research found. Secondly, the media play an informant role, however imperfectly, on topics that matter. In part, this role gives them their importance and influence. The research examined media discourse surrounding Transit City in 94 articles in National Post, the Toronto Star, CUTA Forum, and Ontario Planning Journal to answer the research question. Discourse analysis was used as a method to investigate the topic under the framework of interpretive policy analysis. The research found that four of the media outlets used discursive practices of representation that highlighted certain themes and excluded others. It also found that the discursive communities that were identified in the media discourse interpreted Transit City differently through their discursive frames that were informed by their interest and responsibility in regards to Transit City and their core belief systems. As such their “argumentative logic” highlighted some aspects of Transit City and excluded others in the debate that ensued. The understanding of such characteristics of discourse can help planners in two ways. First, it informs the planning and the tailoring of messages they relay to discursive communities of various relevance. It allows them to have a stronger participation in the shaping of media discourse and generation of informed debate in the public as well as the professional sphere. Second, it can help planners in developing solutions to address points of controversy and bridge differences among stakeholders effectively in their role as mediators and consensus builders. Both benefits have positive implications in creating informed participation and making the planning process a collaborative and communicative effort.

The Internet was initially seen as a metaphor for democracy itself. However, commercialisation, incorporation into existing hierarchies and patterns of daily life and state control and surveillance appear to have undermined these utopian dreams. The vast majority of online activity now takes place in a handful of commercially owned spaces, whose business model rests on the collection and monetisation of user data. However, the upsurge of political action in the Middle East and North Africa in 2010 and 2011, which many argued was facilitated by social media, raised the question of whether these commercial platforms that characterise the contemporary Internet might provide better venues for political speech than previous types of online spaces, particularly in authoritarian states. This thesis addresses the question of how the commercialisation of online spaces affects their ability to provide a venue for political speech in different political systems through a mixed-methods comparison of the U.S. and China. The findings of this thesis support the hypotheses drawn from existing literature: commercialisation is negative for political speech but it is less negative, even potentially positive, in authoritarian systems. However, this research uncovers a surprising explanation for this finding. The greater positivity of commercialisation for political speech in authoritarian systems seems to occur not despite the government but because of it. The Chinese state's active stance in monitoring, encouraging and crafting ideas about political speech has resisted its negative repositioning as a commercial product. In contrast, in the U.S., online political speech has been left to the market that sells back the dream of an online public sphere to users as part of its commercial model. There is still hope that the Internet can provide a venue for political speech but power, particularly over the construction of what it means to be a political speaker in modern society, needs to be taken back from the market.

Nach einem Überblick über die theoretischen Erklärungsmodelle der diskursiven Subjektkonstitution von Émile Benveniste über Louis Althusser und Michel Foucault zu linguistischen Ansätzen in der Gesprächsanalyse und social semiotics angelsächsischer Provenienz, werden zwei erfolgreiche US-amerikanische "Ratgeber"-Talkshowreihen der neunziger Jahre ("Oprah Winfrey" und "Rolonda") einer umfassenden pragma-linguistisch orientierten Gesprächsanalyse unterzogen. Dazu war es nötig, je drei Sendungen dieser Shows zuerst vollständig zu transkribieren, sie dann in Phasen einzuteilen und Vergleichskriterien zu bestimmen. Die Ausgangshypothese ist, dass trotz großer Ähnlichkeiten im Format, beide Shows erhebliche Unterschiede in der öffentlichen Darstellungsform bzw. Repräsentanz ihrer Teilnehmerrollen (Talkmaster, Gäste und Publikum) und deren Verhältnis zueinander aufweisen, und dass diese erheblichen Abweichungen dem Mikrobereich der lexiko-grammatisch systematisch erfaß- und beschreibbaren Redeweisen und Gesprächsstrukturen implizit eingeschrieben ist. Kernstück der Arbeit ist die Herausarbeitung von Ebenen, auf denen sich diskursiv show-spezifische Teilnehmer-Identitäten konstituieren: Dialogsequenzierung und -organisation, Gebrauch von Personalpronomen und Anredeformen, Fragetypen, narrative Strategien, lexikalische (Selbst-) Kategorisierungen, sämtliche Bereiche der Modalität. Auf dieser Ebene der interpersonellen Funktion von Sprache werden innerhalb der Show-Sendungen und zwischen den beiden Show-Reihen sehr unterschiedliche Gesprächsstrategien deutlich, die sich erstaunlich plausibel mit Foucaults diskursiven Subjektivierungs- vs. Objektivierungsstrategien korrelieren ließen, und also als unterschiedliche Machttechnologien zur Hervorbringung und Reproduktion spezifischer "öffentlicher Subjekte" darstellen, wie sie in medialen Formaten als Abbilder des "Durchschnittsmenschen" in Erscheinung treten. Sie signifizieren Varianten eines "Alltags"-Subjekts (repräsentiert durch die in der Show zu Alltagsproblemen befragten Gäste in ihrem Verhältnis zu Talkmaster und Studiopublikum), das einmal - neoliberal-protestantisch - als rational-einsichtsfähig sich selbst disziplinierend im Diskursfeld des Neoliberalismus-Protestantismus konstituiert und gezeichnet wird, im anderen Falle als irrational-verantwortungslos fremden Regulierungsinstanzen und außengelenkten sprachlichen Disziplinierungs- und Abbitteritualen unterworfen wird und somit eine Teilnehmerrolle innerhalb autoritär-feudalistischen Diskurse charakterisiert.