abstract: Cities today face new economic, political, and social challenges spurred, in part, by the growth of immigrant and newcomer populations and increasing competitive pressure in the context of contemporary globalization. In the face of these challenges, some U.S. city and county governments have adopted the “welcoming city initiative,” which promotes both immigrant integration and economic growth. To date, little research has explored why different U.S. cities decide to pursue the welcoming city initiatives, what cities really hope to achieve through them, or what governing arrangements emerge to develop and implement these initiatives. In addition to illuminating the emerging discursive, political, and organizational dynamics of welcoming, this dissertation contributes to the literatures in urban asset development, urban regime theory, and political and bureaucratic incorporation. Drawing on 30 interviews with key actors and document analysis, this dissertation employs a multiple case study design to conduct an interpretive policy analysis of the initiatives of four U.S. welcoming cities: Austin, Texas; Boise, Idaho; Chicago, Illinois; and Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. The analysis explores three independent but interconnected themes. The first theme concerns multiple, context-specific framings of “welcoming” and the types of assets cities seek to leverage and develop through the welcoming city initiatives. This investigation finds that while each city puts a priority on developing a certain set of assets based on its unique political, economic, and demographic contexts, welcoming efforts tend to encourage immigrant entrepreneurialism, the leveraging newcomers’ human capital and financial assets, and the development place-based assets to attract and retain newcomers. The efforts to strengthen community capacity seek to institutionalize a new norm of welcoming, structure immigrant-friendly governance practices, and engage newcomers and longer-term residents in their community affairs. The second theme probes the ways in which these four cities create and maintain governing regimes for the initiative. The analysis finds that, while the four cities develop different governing structures, all pursue the creation of mixed types of governing coalitions that combine pro-growth and opportunity expansion regimes by incorporating the goals of economic growth and immigrant integration. The third theme investigates different modes of immigrant incorporation and their contribution to immigrant integration, the final stage in immigrant settlement. The analysis suggests that political leaders and bureaucratic agencies of the welcoming cities tend to build reciprocal relationships, rather than principal-agent relationships, in which political leaders rely on the positional, professional, and technical expertise of bureaucrats. In these early stages on the initiative, political and bureaucratic incorporation aim to create institutional changes that help immigrants and newcomers to be viewed as political constituents and clients of bureaucratic agencies. This dissertation broadly concludes that the welcoming city initiative is a promising new urban economic development framework that could reshape urban space by integrating pro-growth demands with social integration and inclusion. Going forward, however, deeper consideration of the perspectives and rights of immigrants and newcomers themselves is needed in these initiatives. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation Public Administration 2017

Faith-based schools have become a growing phenomenon in Canada in recent decades and a cause of public concern in the context of a pluralistic society, where immigrants are increasingly likely to create educational institutions that reflect their culture and faith. This thesis presents a case study of Canadian Reformed schools in Ontario established by Dutch post-war immigrants who are members of the Federation of Canadian Reformed Churches (CanRC). Most children in this community have gone through this school system, an important feature of this long-standing, ethno-religious, immigrant-origin community. This thesis aims to examine how Canadian Reformed schools in the Province of Ontario have prepared their graduates for living in a diverse and pluralist Canadian society and their role in preserving the community’s ethnic and religious identities. The research is based on the theories of retention of immigrant ethno-religious identity as well as the role of religious schools in promoting immigrant-origin students’ ethical autonomy. Qualitative case study methodology was applied. The results are based on the analysis of sixty-four interviews with current and former members of the Reformed communities. Where possible, the results were triangulated by the content analysis of documents and mass media. This thesis concludes that Canadian Reformed schools have had a significant impact on the preservation of the community’s religious and ethnic identities. While Canadian Reformed schools have retained some level of self-isolation and a strict policy on the religious identity of both students and teachers, the findings reveal that the Ontario Canadian Reformed schools have evolved significantly in their five decades of existence. The tendency to shelter children is still present but principals and teachers generally aim to introduce current teaching strategies and develop standardized curriculum plans across the schools. Since their establishment, Canadian Reformed schools have encouraged students to discuss topical issues and develop their own solutions to enhance critical thinking skills. Tolerance and compassion to individuals with a different worldview are being promoted. Several respondents identified areas for schools’ improvement, including the need for a more inclusive and up-to-date curriculum, comprehensive school-based sex-education, a more profound level of understanding of religious tradition, reducing identity strain when exposed to the outside world, and high educational costs. This thesis addresses a gap in the study of how Christian schools in Canada prepare their graduates for socio-political engagement and in scholarly knowledge about Dutch Reformed community. This study also aims to contribute to policy making because the findings identify the challenges that religious schools’ graduates face and highlight the roles these schools play in bridging religious communities and the broader society.

The recent rise of Western Europe's extreme populist Right (EPR) parties has been attributed to the EPR's mobilization of grievances over the issue of immigration (Ignazi 1991; Taggart 1996; Fennema 1997; Schain, 1998; Mudde 1999; Brubaker 2001; Ivarsflaten 2007). This study contributes to the literature on EPR's anti-immigrant rhetoric by examining whether different integration policies play a role in conditioning anti-immigrant rhetoric, and if so, what their role is in the formulation of such rhetoric. This thesis is comprised of two case studies: the French assimilation approach to immigrant integration and the rhetoric of Front National's leaders Jean-Marie and Marine Le Pen; and the Dutch multicultural approach to integration and the rhetoric of Dutch Party for Freedom's leader Geert Wilders. The main hypothesis is that each leader's anti-immigrant rhetoric incorporates the shortcomings of the integration approach adopted by their respective governments. Elements of the rejection of both assimilationism and multiculturalism are detected in the FN's and PVV’s rhetoric, respectively, through a careful review of secondary and primary sources of language usage in Jean-Marie and Marine Le Pen's and Wilders’ speeches, interviews, and media appearances

No description available.

No description available.

Yes / Using the UK Citizenship Survey for the years 2007–2010, this paper investigates how immigrants view immigration and how these views compare to the views of natives. Immigrants who have been in the UK longer are similar to natives in being opposed to further immigration, while recent immigrants are more in favour of further immigration. Labour market concerns do not play a large role for either immigrants or natives. However, there is some evidence that financial and economic shocks can increase anti-immigration sentiments. / The Peter and Norah Lomas PhD Scholarship in Economics.

La mise en pratique des politiques d’intégration des femmes migrantes est un objet d’études dont les sciences sociales s’emparent peu. La majorité des recherches, surtout comparées, sur les politiques d’intégration des immigrés ont procédé par des analyses normatives et discursives, et cela à l’échelle nationale. Cette recherche s’efforce de compléter les savoirs antérieurs à partir de résultats tirés d’une enquête de terrain réalisée au sein de deux maisons de quartier, des institutions sociopolitiques chargées des politiques sociales participatives, une à Paris et une autre à Helsinki. De cette façon, elle confronte les discours officiels sur l’intégration des femmes migrantes à la réalité du terrain, aux contextes, aux acteurs et aux pratiques situées. Elle montre que bien que les politiques françaises et finlandaises soient fondées sur des objectifs similaires — faire passer les femmes migrantes de leur situation de marginalité à une citoyenneté complète — les dispositifs locaux et les pratiques ordinaires varient considérablement. Pour analyser la pratique ordinaire des politiques d’intégration, cette thèse développe la notion de travail d’attachementdont le but est le tissage d’un lien de citoyenneté plus fort chez les femmes migrantes. Elle porte donc sur les interactions à travers lesquelles ce lien est formé. Elle interroge d’un côté les rituels d’attachement par lesquels les agents des maisons de quartier aspirent à l’intégration des femmes migrantes et d’un autre côté les tactiques d’attachement que les femmes migrantes déploient au sein des maisons de quartier afin de poursuivre l’intégration telle qu’elles la comprennent. Si la comparaison franco-finlandaise permet de mettre en évidence des mécanismes généraux du travail d’attachement, elle nuance aussi l’analyse de la citoyenneté féminine en montrant que cette dernière est solidifiée plutôt selon les logiques de l’éthique de care en Finlande et selon celles de l’éthique de la justice en France. De façon plus générale, cette thèse étudie les pratiques du travail social qui visent le renforcement de l’attachement des populations marginalisées à l’ensemble de la société, pratiques davantage tournées aujourd’hui vers la production de l’expérience émotionnelle de l’égalité citoyenne. / Although research into immigrant integration policies abounds, the concrete practice of implementing immigrant integration policies, especially those targeting migrant women, remains an understudied domain in social sciences. Comparative research in particular tends to concentrate on the national level of analysis and the normative and discursive dimensions of integration policies. This research adopts an alternative approach based on ethnographic field research conducted in a “neighbourhood center” in both Paris and Helsinki over a four-year-period. Such centres are in both countries public institutions where participative social policies are put in practice. In doing so, the research examines empirically the official discourse on integration policies targeting migrant women by looking at situated actors and practices. Despite the similar normative foundations of French and Finnish policies – namely the objective of facilitating the passage of migrant women from a situation of marginality to that of full citizenship, at the local level important variation exists. This esearch develops the notion of bonding work (travail d’attachment), using it to analyse the ordinary practices of solidifying the citizenship bond of migrant women. This finding on the importance of bonding work in the context of every-day interactions between state agents and migrants at the neighbourhood centre draws attention simultaneously to the rituals through which state agents aspire to strengthen migrant womens’ citizenship bond, as well as to the tactics through which migrant women themselves pursue their attachment to the national community. The comparative design of this research is important because it allows for the identification of general mechanisms of such attachment work while also tapping into the cross-national variation in principles and practices related to womens’ citizenship. Such variation is aligned with the ethnics of care in Finland and with the ethics of justice in France. At a more general level, this research develops conceptual tools for analysing contemporary social policies targeting marginalized social groups, policies that are increasingly driven by the notion of attachment and the emotional experience of equality.

Master thesis "Comparison of Immigrant Integration Policies in the Netherlands and the Czech Republic" aims to give an evaluation of existing immigrant integration policies focused on the third-country nationals, from the perspective of their different socio-political historical developments and their practical functioning at the present days. This involves assessment of roles of all involved actors: the newcoming immigrants, already settled immigrants and both governmental and non-governmental actors. Conclusions of the thesis will reveal the main differences in the integration policies of the Netherlands and the Czech Republic.

This thesis is a critical examination of civic nationalism that focuses on the disconnect between nationalist ideology and the social bases of nationhood, and the implications that this disconnect has for the feasibility of civic nationalism as a policy prescription for issues such as intra-state nationalist conflict and immigrant integration. While problems with the principles of civic nationalist ideology are important, my focus here is the more significant problem that civic nationalism is based on a general theory of nations and nationalism that treats them as solely ideological phenomena. Against this I argue that the term ‘nationalism’ refers to several different phenomena, most importantly a ‘system of culture’ or way of organizing society as described by Ernest Gellner and Benedict Anderson, and that augmenting Gellner and Anderson’s theories with the kind of relational social theory used by authors such as Rogers Brubaker and Charles Tilly provides an alternative explanation that is a better match for the evidence. If this is the case, I contend, then civic nationalism is both a misrepresentation of the history of nations and nationalism and infeasible as a prescription for policy issues such as intra-state nationalist conflict and immigrant integration. These arguments are supported with empirical evidence that is principally drawn from four cases: France, the United States, Northern Ireland, and Canada. / Thesis (Ph.D, Political Studies) -- Queen's University, 2012-11-27 11:21:47.013

<p>Some researchers argue that the immigrant integration approaches in liberal (and “Western-“) states are becoming more and more alike. Some claim that the previous philosophises of integration (i.e. multiculturalism, segregationism, universalism and assimilationism) no longer exists in liberal states. This study assesses the robustness of this “convergence claim” within an East-EU context. The purpose of the study is to analyse the policy trends of immigrant integration in the East-EU and assess the robustness of the convergence claim. The analysis and methodological approach is based on a theoretical framework of ideal-types (multiculturalism, segregationism, universalism and assimilationism). The study objects are Estonia and Poland, and the analysis is primarily based on national legislation and policy documents. The study describes the immigrant integration trends in Poland and Estonia in the “post-Soviet era”, looking at the policy trends between 1991-2008. During this period both countries have shown tendencies of segregationism and cultural monism. It is clear that Estonia and Poland (i.e. parts of East-EU) have not adopted a more “Western-style” approach regarding immigrant integration, i.e. there is no evidence of such convergence. In fact, the ethnic component of their immigrant integration approaches stands in contrast to the “convergence thesis”.</p>