Un regard sur la France d'hier et d'aujourd'hui nous montre qu'elle est historiquement une terre d'immigration. Contrairement à l'Allemagne par exemple, la France a connu une immigration continue depuis les temps les plus anciens. L’immigration récente s'est effectuée en deux grandes vagues diamétralement opposées : la première (mi-XIXe siècle à 1939) fut une immigration (Nord-Nord, européenne) majoritairement chrétienne, donc très vite intégrée ; la seconde (Sud-Nord, Afrique, Asie du Sud-Est) par contre, a rapporté avec elle différentes religions (islam, bouddhisme, etc.) et plusieurs cultures, et demeure difficilement assimilable à la culture française. Les premiers immigrés se sont fondus dans le moule français après la seconde ou troisième génération et aujourd'hui sont Français. Ceux de la seconde vague, contrairement à la première, n'arrivent presque pas à se fondre dans le moule français et restent cantonnés dans les habitudes de leurs pays d'origines, accentuées souvent par leurs religions. Or la France est un creuset où se côtoient de multiples nationalités et elle entend être créatrice d'une unique identité, en dépit de la multiplicité toujours possible des variantes : l'identité française dont sont légitimement fiers ceux qui acceptent de s’intégrer dans une société qui les respectent entièrement, s’ils sont capables d’en faire de même en retour.Il est visible que la vague d'immigrés venue du Sud a du mal à trouver sa place dans le pays d'accueil. Cela crée des clivages dus au non respect des lois et la difficile acceptation par certains de la culture française… Si les immigrés parviennent à dépasser les barrières culturelles et religieuses en respectant la laïcité, ils se fondront dans une société capable de respecter leurs croyances et vivront en harmonie avec une France dont la devise républicaine : liberté, égalité, fraternité est une garantie de sécurité et d’avenir. Notre propos est d’étudier le lent processus d’intégration qui s’est instauré et qui joue son rôle au rythme des problèmes qui, peu à peu, se posent et trouveront leur solution, même si le corps social doit prendre plus de temps qu’à l’ordinaire, compte tenu de l’importance des problèmes à traiter. La France est donc confrontée à un défi humaniste de taille. Notre propos est donc d’envisager comment elle parviendra à l’affronter et à le résoudre. / Historically France is a ground of immigration, contrary to Germany for example. Because France knew a continuous immigration since old times. Recent immigration was carried out in two large waves diametrically opposite: the first (middle 9th century at 1939) was European, Christian mainly, therefore very quickly comparable: they are today of the French (!). The second (South-North: Africa, Southeast Asia) on the other hand brought with it various religions (Islam, Buddhism, etc) and several cultures and remains not easily comparable to the French culture. The second immigrants thus remain confined in the practices oft heir countries of origins, often accentuated by their religion. However France, crucible where multiple nationalities mix with, intends itself to be creative of a single identity, in spite of the always possible multiplicity of the alternatives: the French identity of which are legitimately proud those which agree to be integrated into a company which entirely respect them if they are able to make sorne in the same way in return. Obviously, the immigrants of the South have evil to find their place in France. That creates cleavages due to non the respect of the laws and difficult acceptance by sorne of the French culture. If the immigrants manage to exceed the cultural and religions barriers, by respecting secularity, they will be melted in a company able to respect their beliefs and will live in harmony. My matter is to study the slow process ofintegration which was established and which plays its part to the rhythm of difficulties which, little by little, arise and will find their solution, even if the social body must take more time than usually taking into account the importance of the problems to be treated: a humanistic challenge for France. My matter is to consider how she will manage to face it and to solve it.

Globalisation has resulted in the increase of migrant workers who cross borders in search of better opportunities and greener pastures. Migrant workers, wherever they decide to relocate, are at the risk of arbitrary arrests and illegal deportations which infringe their right to liberty and security. Many unreported cases show that migrant workers in South Africa have to endure inhuman treatment every day, through the implementation of deportation laws by law enforcement agencies. This is however, done in a manner which disregards their possession of necessary documentation authorising them to be in the country. The Constitution of South Africa, legislation and other related policies provide for the protection of the right to liberty and security of migrant workers. It is against the above that this mini dissertation examines and analyses how the implementation of deportation laws impacts on the right to liberty and security of migrant workers. This mini dissertation points out that there is a dire need to ensure that the implementation of deportation laws complies with the requirements of the right to security and liberty of persons accorded to the status of migrant workers by the Constitution and other related legislation or policies. The methodology made use of in this research is qualitative. This research used legislative texts, case law, journal articles and other academic commentary to acquire information on the right of migrant workers and their plight in South Africa. The study also makes recommendations for appropriate domestic law reform in respect to how deportation laws can be implemented in a bid to protect the right to liberty and security of migrant workers. These recommendations are designed to ensure that law enforcement agencies adhere to the law and procedure which protect migrant workers from arbitrary arrests, and illegal deportations.

Over the years, human trafficking has become one of the fastest growing crimes in the world. According to a report of the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, Women and Children account for 75 percent of trafficked victims. Between 2007 and 2010, children accounted for 20 percent of the trafficked victims which is approximately 1343 children per year. Sadly, these statistics continue to rise annually. It is from this premise that no one can doubt the rationale behind the 2015 Immigration Regulations that affect children travelling in and out of South Africa. However, in terms of section 28 (2) of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, it is a prerequisite that in any matter affecting a child, the best interest of the child be of paramount importance. This mini dissertation seeks to establish whether these Immigration Regulations which initially came into effect in May 2014, are in the best interest of child travellers. This has been done by looking at the old system which regulated the movement of children; its loopholes and shortcomings, thereby establishing whether Regulation 6 (12) is a panacea or in fact the hallmark of a series of problems that have a detrimental effect on the well-being as well as the rights of the child. The research methodology is mainly based on a study of existing literature. This largely includes internet sources, national legislation, regional and international instruments as well as case law. The South African Immigration Act 2002 is the primary reference with regards to regulatory information. However, lessons are drawn from legislation from other jurisdictions, notably Zimbabwean Immigration laws as well as those of Namibia. This is because South Africa shares a border with Zimbabwe and it also has a historical connection with Namibia and has good relations with both States. The mini dissertation analyses the impact of the 2015 Immigration Regulations not only on children but on other sectors as well. Lastly, the latter makes recommendations on how to improve these Regulations without affecting the best interest of child travellers.

Que sont devenus les enfants des bidonvilles et cités de transit de l’après-guerre en France ? Alliant entretiens, observations, archives et statistiques, la thèse reconstitue les expériences et les trajectoires d’individus d’origines algérienne, marocaine et portugaise ayant grandi dans les bidonvilles et cités de Nanterre et de Champigny-sur-Marne, en Île-de-France. Elle rend compte de leur vécu dans ces formes d’habitat précaires, ségrégées et stigmatisées qui ont duré de nombreuses années en insistant sur la diversité des expériences résidentielles et donc de leurs effets socialisateurs. De fait, les anciens enfants des bidonvilles et cités ont connu des trajectoires variées et n’interprètent pas cet épisode de la même façon. Quatre profils sont analysés : le reproduction des inégalités, les petites promotions locales, la reproduction de l’isolement et les ascensions sociales individuelles. La divergence de ces parcours tient à deux ensembles de facteurs. D’une part, ces familles ont été des cibles privilégiées des politiques nationales et municipales de l’habitat et de l’immigration. En catégorisant et en traitant différemment les bidonvilles et cités de transit selon l’origine de leurs habitants et leur localisation, ces politiques publiques ont eu des effets de court, moyen et long terme très importants. D’autre part, les trajectoires de ces descendants d’immigrés ont été forgées par les ressources et les dispositions antérieures à la migration de leurs parents ainsi que par les contextes relationnels dans lesquels ils ont évolué dans les bidonvilles et les cités de transit. / What has become of children living in slums in Post-War France? Drawing from an investigation based on interviews, observations, archive work and statistics, I analyze in this dissertation the experiences and trajectories of individuals of Algerian, Moroccan and Portuguese descent who grew up in slums in Nanterre and Champigny-sur-Marne slums (Île-de-France region). I explain what it may have meant to live all these years in such a deprived, segregated and stigmatized form of housing and I insist on the diversity of residential experiences and of socialization effects. Indeed, previous slum children have known various trajectories and they don’t interpret this episode in the same way. Four profiles are analyzed: the reproduction of inequalities, the moderate mobilities, the reproduction of isolation, the upward trajectories. Two series of factor explain these differences. First, these families have first been targeted by national and local policies of housing and migration. By categorizing and treating differently slums depending on their inhabitants’ origins and on their location, these public policies have had very important short, mean and long time effects. Second, the trajectories have also been formed by their parents’ pre-migration resources and dispositions and by the relational contexts they evolved in while being in slums.

Doctorat en sciences sociales, politiques et économiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Depuis plusieurs années, des règles émergent en matière d'entrée, de séjour et d'éloignement dans l'ordre juridique de l'Union européenne. En marge des traités, avec les accords de Schengen, des règles ont été conçues afin de permettre la réalisation de la libre circulation. Alors que les politiques nationales s'orientaient vers des politiques d'immigration choisie, les disparités nationales laissaient émerger le phénomène d'immigration shopping. Or, l'intervention de l'Union européenne était limitée par le principe d'attribution des compétences. Le Traité d'Amsterdam a marqué un tournant à travers la création de l'espace de liberté, de sécurité et de justice en attribuant une compétence partagée en matière d'immigration. Avec le Traité de Lisbonne, ce cadre constitutionnel offert par le Traité Amsterdam est réaffirmé et consolidé. Trente ans après l'accord de Schengen, les règles adoptées constituent désormais un ensemble, organisé et structuré.L'étude de ce système normatif, le droit européen des étrangers, permet de caractériser la politique d'immigration, au-delà du discours politique. Structurée autour du contrôle des flux migratoires et de la maitrise de l'immigration, il apparait que celle-ci demeure restrictive et sécuritaire. Néanmoins, le respect des droits fondamentaux, sous le contrôle de la Cour de justice, et les relations étroites avec la politique d'asile et la libre circulation des citoyens permettent d'atténuer ce régime de police. Toutefois, les ambiguïtés qui en résultent constituent un frein au développement d'une politique d'immigration. L'immigration familiale devrait être exclusivement organisée par la politique d'immigration. Et les choix en matière d'asile ne devraient pas reposer sur des préoccupations migratoires. / For several years, rules have been emerging regarding entry, residence and expulsion in the legal order of the European Union. On the sidelines of the treaties with the Schengen Agreement, rules have been created to enable the realization of free movement. While national policies were oriented towards selective immigration policies, national disparities allowed the phenomenon of “immigration shopping” to emerge. But the intervention of the European Union was limited by the principle of conferral of competences. The Amsterdam Treaty was a turning point in the creation of an area of freedom, security and justice by giving a competence shared on immigration legislation. With the Lisbon Treaty, the constitutional framework provided by the Amsterdam Treaty is reaffirmed and consolidated. Thirty years after the Schengen Agreement, the rules adopted are now a whole, organized and structured.The study of this normative system, the European Law on Foreign Nationals, can characterize immigration policy, beyond political discourse. Structured around the control of migratory flows and the mastery of immigration, it appears that it remains restrictive and safe. Nevertheless, respect for fundamental rights, under the control of the Court of Justice, and close relationships with the asylum policy and the free movement of citizens can mitigate this police regime. However, the resulting ambiguities remain an obstacle to the development of immigration policy. Family immigration should be organized exclusively by the immigration policy. And choices about asylum should not be based on migration concerns.

Le sujet de ce travail porte sur un regard socio-anthropologique de l’échec de la migration. Il s’interroge sur la notion d’échec tel que vécu par le migrant et à travers le regard que peut porter le milieu d’origine sur cet échec. Un échec qui est défini par une expulsion ou selon un jargon administratif, par une reconduite à la frontière à cause d’un séjour irrégulier vis-à-vis des lois de la France. Pour ce faire, il analyse le cas spécifique des expulsés maliens de France tout en se référant aux différents parcours centrés sur les récits de vie. Ce travail de recherche permet d'aborder diverses facettes de l'immigration malienne, il est original car il permet d'approfondir notamment la notion d'échec associée à la migration en focalisant dans une approche compréhensive sur les sentiments et le vécu de cet échec par les migrants eux-mêmes. Dans la société malienne et surtout dans les localités à fort taux d’émigration, le migrant reçoit tous les honneurs quand il réussit sa migration. Mais quand il échoue, il tombe dans une forme disgrâce dont les conséquences sont très souvent désastreuses. L’expulsion, quelle que soit sa forme et les conditions dans lesquelles elle survient, est difficilement comprise et acceptée par le milieu d’origine. Elle constitue aujourd’hui un problème de société au Mali puisqu’elle symbolise le retour de la honte, le retour sans gloire, le retour à la case départ, etc. Ainsi, dans ce travail, nous prenons en compte deux dimensions fondamentales. L'une est individuelle parce que chaque expulsé est un cas particulier à travers ses projets et ses parcours. L'autre est sociale au regard de son appartenance à un groupe, à une communauté qui restent très présents dans sa vie de tous les jours. La prise en compte de ces deux dimensions permettra de comprendre les différentes logiques, les conflits, les rejets, les problèmes de réinsertion sociale et professionnelle de ces expulsés. / The subject of this work brings a socio-anthropological perspective to migration failure. It wonders about the notion of failure as was experienced by the migrant and also viewed through the eyes of their communities of origin.A failure is defined by being deported or according to administrative jargon, being escorted to the borders because of illegal residence towards French laws. To this end, this work analysis specific cases of Malians deportee from France while referring to different life-courses stories.This research permits to address various aspects of Malian immigration. It is special in the way it makes a further development of the notion failure associated with migration by focusing in an understanding approach to the way this failure is lived and felt by the migrants.In Malian society and especially in localities with high out-migration rates, the migrant receives all the honours if he successfully achieves his migration. But if he fails, the migrant falls in a form of disgrace with often disastrous consequences. An expulsion, whatever form and conditions it takes, is always hardly understood and accepted by the community of origin. Nowadays, this failure has become a social issue in Mali because it symbolises shame, an inglorious return, a back to square one, etc.Thus, in this research, we take into account two fundamental dimensions: one is individual because each deportee has his own story, a particular path and different projects; the other one is social regarding the migrant belonging to a group, a community which is strongly present in his everyday life.Taking into account these two dimensions enable us to understand the different logics, conflicts, rejections, social and professional reintegration issues of these deportees.

Undocumented migrants are a part of our daily lives, yet we rarely hear their stories or know who they really are; the word "undocumented" can have a negative connotation both within and outside the Latinx community and is often associated with criminals and various other negative stereotypes. This study aims to understand how identity is affected by documentation status and how that affects the undocumented and documented Latinx community, the experiences of Latinx people of different documentation status with connections to illegal immigration, and how they navigate through those experiences in the United States of America knowing that they are putting themselves at risk. There is not enough representation of undocumented Latinx people and their role in society; it is important to understand the undocumented Latinx community and give them a voice because undocumented people are one of the U.S.' backbones in cultural and socio-economic terms. This investigation will provide more insight into their experiences and the identity struggle within the Latinx context through a series of interviews and an in-depth literature review of other publications sharing undocumented Latinx individuals' oral histories. It aims to shine a positive light on the community and contribute to future research on similar topics.

No description available.

The Minuteman Project is a national civilian border patrol group, founded in 2005 to defend the U.S.-Mexico border from "invasion" by illegal immigrants and protest the "blatant disregard of the rule of law" exhibited by government and politicians. This study explores one state chapter of this organization: the Utah Minuteman Project (UMP). The research questions I seek to address are: Who are the Minutemen? What motivates them? How do the Minutemen define what it means to be an American? Using a grounded theory approach, I explore the construction of American identity among the members of the UMP using a range of qualitative data sources: in-depth interviews with 24 individuals, fieldnotes, and primary documents. My findings suggest that what problematizes illegal immigration in the minds of the Minutemen is their view that illegal immigration is a threat to American identity. While illegal immigration and its perceived consequences are the focus of much attention within the UMP, the central motivating factor in the movement relates to the question of who is an American. My findings suggest that American identity, as defined by the Minutemen, can be understood in terms of four main concepts: assimilation, respect for law, work ethic, and patriotism. In many ways, the Minutemen have defined American identity by answering the question of who is not an American. It is against the backdrop of illegal immigration that anti-illegal immigrant movements like the Minutemen have defined themselves, defined America, and defined who is an American. By emphasizing the elements of American identity that stand in most striking contrast to illegal immigration, they exclude undocumented immigrants from American identity. Amidst all the voices seeking to define what it means to be an American, this study contributes another voice and provides a better understanding of how the Minutemen see the world. It is important to that as our country confronts the challenges of immigration reform and answers the question of who is an American, that all voices are heard, including the voices of the Minutemen.