Termine Juni - Juli 2008

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Elève de Pradier, d’Ingres et de Duban le sculpteur, peintre et architecte Jean Antoine Étex (1808-1888) s'essayait à toutes les formes d'art laissant après son décès une œuvre abondante qui compte plus de 450 ouvrages. Déjà un nombre imposant de ses sculptures sont disséminées dans la capitale de la France. On les rencontre dans des endroits stratégiques de la métropole. Mais aussi beaucoup d’autres villes et musées de la France conservent des ouvrages importants de cet artiste. Parmis les œuvres les plus connues comptent les deux haut-reliefs « La Résistance » et « La Paix » à l’Arc de Triomphe de l’Étoile puis le groupe en marbre « Caïn et sa race maudits de Dieu », chef -d’œuvre de la sculpture romantique, conservé aujourd’hui au Musée de Lyon. En tant que républicain convaincu et adhérent du saint-simonisme, Étex participait activement aux révolutions de 1830 et de 1848 combattant incessamment pour l’instauration de la République. Sous la monarchie de juillet, il avait connu un grand succès et une grande célebrité mais son art fut peu estimé sous le second Empire. Gravement défavorisé par le gouvernement imperial, Étex perdait sa place parmi les premiers artistes de la France et ses œuvres tombaient aussitôt dans l’oubli. Ce présent thèse de doctorat fournit pour la première fois une biographie détaillée et un catalogue raisonné de l’œuvre de cet artiste important. Ses propres écrits (publications et correspondance), les documents dans les archives françaises ainsi que la critique d’art concernant ses œuvres y sont exploités. / Disciple of Pradier, Ingres and Duban the french sculptor, painter and architect Jean-Antoine Étex (1808-1888) created works in nearly all categories of art. He left after his death a highly impressive number of more than 450 works of art. A great deal of his sculptures are dispersed in the french capital city of Paris all placed at strategic locations. But also a lot of other french cities and museums conserve important works by this artist. Among the most famous sculptures made by him are certainly the two monumental reliefs “La Résistance” and “La Paix” at the Arc de Triomphe de l’Étoile as well as the marble group “Cain and his race coursed by God”, masterpice of the french romantic scuplture, conserved at the mueum of Lyon. As a convinced member of the republicain partie Étex took actively part in the revolutions of 1830 and 1848 fighting incessantly for the republic idea. During the monarchie de juillet his works achieved extreme success but after the instauration of the Empire his works were no more appreciated. Constantly ignored by the imperial government Étex lost his place among the first artists in France and his works were soon forgotten. This present dissertation constitutes for the first time a detailed biographie and a complete catalogue of the works of this important artist. His own writings (publications and correspondence), hundreds of documents from the french archives and the critiques of art concerning his works are seriously explored.

Les explications politiques de la fin de la monarchie de Juillet demandent à être reconsidérées. L’historiographie, s’appuyant sur les témoignages des acteurs qui l’ont combattue a insisté sur le refus du roi d’accorder la réforme électorale et parlementaire, refus appuyé par le cabinet ministériel dirigé par Guizot et par la Chambre des députés. La Charte de 1830 définissait le cadre d’un régime où le roi avait sa place et où le gouvernement devait chercher l’appui et le concours des chambres parlementaires. Dans ces conditions, le pouvoir exécutif devait obtenir l’assentiment des assemblées pour mener sa politique. Le refus de la réforme s’explique alors par l’obtention d’une majorité parlementaire acquise au gouvernement par des moyens peu avouables (élections manipulées, corruption, pressions de toutes sortes sur les députés) et la présence massive de députés fonctionnaires a priori dociles et obéissants. Était-ce vraiment le cas ? La dernière Chambre des députés élue en 1846 voit une victoire ministérielle incontestable plus fondée sur les effets du suffrage censitaire que par des manipulations. Le comportement de cette majorité durant cette courte législature révèle en fait que le cabinet s’occupa plus de composer avec les dissensions qui sont apparues en son sein que d’essayer de la diriger et de la dominer. En réalité, on en vient à se demander si Guizot, loin d’imposer son point de vue aux députés ministériels n’était pas en fin de compte le porte-parole de leurs aspirations conservatrices. / The political explanations for the downfall of the July monarchy require re-examination. Relying on testimonies from the politicians who battled against it, historiography gives preference to the king’s refusal of parliamentary and electoral reform, a refusal that was backed by the ministerial cabinet under the direction of Guizot and the Chamber of deputies. The Charter of 1830 laid the foundations of a regime with a place for the king, and where the government had to solicit the assistance and cooperation of the assemblies. In these conditions, in order to conduct its policies, the executive branch had to first obtain the consent of the assemblies. The refusal of reform is thus attributed to the government’s winning the parliamentary majority by dubious means (corruption, rigged elections, and putting deputies under pressure of all sorts) and the immense presence of bureaucrats who were assumed obedient and docile. Was this really the case? The monarchy’s last Chamber of deputies, elected in 1846, reached an incontestable ministerial victory, due more to the effects of censitary suffrage than rigging. The behavior of this majority over the short course of this term of office actually reveals that the cabinet was more concerned with dissent from within than it was with trying to lead and dominate it. By this one is led to wonder if Guizot, far from imposing his point of view on ministerial deputies, wasn’t actually the spokesperson for their conservative aspirations.

This thesis analyses and compares two historic commemorations in Northern Ireland with two in New Zealand, in the period from 1940 to 1990. These commemorations are the Twelfth of July and Remembrance Sunday in Northern Ireland, and Waitangi Day and Anzac Day in New Zealand. Examination of these commemorations has revealed several patterns. In the commemorations studied in this thesis, levels of public adherence generally depended on the extent to which the values that the commemoration symbolised were seen as threatened or highly needed. The commemorations which reaffirmed compelling values tended to enjoy higher levels of public support than those expressing values which were seen as either unnecessary or unthreatened. In both countries, historic commemorations were capable of uniting communities behind core values. However, in cases where there was no general agreement on what those values were or what they meant, commemorations frequently became sites of division and conflict. All four commemorations were regularly used by organisers and participants to express views on contemporary political and social issues and, on several occasions in both countries, different groups battled for the control of particular commemorations. In both countries, increased levels of social conflict often led to the increased use of the past as a rhetorical device. The main conclusion to be drawn from this study is that these historic commemora¬tions derived more of their meaning from their contemporary context than from the historical events which they commemorated. In particular, how the public viewed and understood the values symbolised and reaffirmed by the commemorations strongly affected their levels of support. People were most likely to observe the commem-orations when they were seen as symbolising values which were widely adhered to and seen as threatened or urgently needed. The historic commemorations examined in this thesis were often strongly affected by contemporary events which were seen as relating, positively or negatively, to the values which the commemorations embodied.

This thesis analyses and compares two historic commemorations in Northern Ireland with two in New Zealand, in the period from 1940 to 1990. These commemorations are the Twelfth of July and Remembrance Sunday in Northern Ireland, and Waitangi Day and Anzac Day in New Zealand. Examination of these commemorations has revealed several patterns. In the commemorations studied in this thesis, levels of public adherence generally depended on the extent to which the values that the commemoration symbolised were seen as threatened or highly needed. The commemorations which reaffirmed compelling values tended to enjoy higher levels of public support than those expressing values which were seen as either unnecessary or unthreatened. In both countries, historic commemorations were capable of uniting communities behind core values. However, in cases where there was no general agreement on what those values were or what they meant, commemorations frequently became sites of division and conflict. All four commemorations were regularly used by organisers and participants to express views on contemporary political and social issues and, on several occasions in both countries, different groups battled for the control of particular commemorations. In both countries, increased levels of social conflict often led to the increased use of the past as a rhetorical device. The main conclusion to be drawn from this study is that these historic commemora¬tions derived more of their meaning from their contemporary context than from the historical events which they commemorated. In particular, how the public viewed and understood the values symbolised and reaffirmed by the commemorations strongly affected their levels of support. People were most likely to observe the commem-orations when they were seen as symbolising values which were widely adhered to and seen as threatened or urgently needed. The historic commemorations examined in this thesis were often strongly affected by contemporary events which were seen as relating, positively or negatively, to the values which the commemorations embodied.

This thesis analyses and compares two historic commemorations in Northern Ireland with two in New Zealand, in the period from 1940 to 1990. These commemorations are the Twelfth of July and Remembrance Sunday in Northern Ireland, and Waitangi Day and Anzac Day in New Zealand. Examination of these commemorations has revealed several patterns. In the commemorations studied in this thesis, levels of public adherence generally depended on the extent to which the values that the commemoration symbolised were seen as threatened or highly needed. The commemorations which reaffirmed compelling values tended to enjoy higher levels of public support than those expressing values which were seen as either unnecessary or unthreatened. In both countries, historic commemorations were capable of uniting communities behind core values. However, in cases where there was no general agreement on what those values were or what they meant, commemorations frequently became sites of division and conflict. All four commemorations were regularly used by organisers and participants to express views on contemporary political and social issues and, on several occasions in both countries, different groups battled for the control of particular commemorations. In both countries, increased levels of social conflict often led to the increased use of the past as a rhetorical device. The main conclusion to be drawn from this study is that these historic commemora¬tions derived more of their meaning from their contemporary context than from the historical events which they commemorated. In particular, how the public viewed and understood the values symbolised and reaffirmed by the commemorations strongly affected their levels of support. People were most likely to observe the commem-orations when they were seen as symbolising values which were widely adhered to and seen as threatened or urgently needed. The historic commemorations examined in this thesis were often strongly affected by contemporary events which were seen as relating, positively or negatively, to the values which the commemorations embodied.

This thesis analyses and compares two historic commemorations in Northern Ireland with two in New Zealand, in the period from 1940 to 1990. These commemorations are the Twelfth of July and Remembrance Sunday in Northern Ireland, and Waitangi Day and Anzac Day in New Zealand. Examination of these commemorations has revealed several patterns. In the commemorations studied in this thesis, levels of public adherence generally depended on the extent to which the values that the commemoration symbolised were seen as threatened or highly needed. The commemorations which reaffirmed compelling values tended to enjoy higher levels of public support than those expressing values which were seen as either unnecessary or unthreatened. In both countries, historic commemorations were capable of uniting communities behind core values. However, in cases where there was no general agreement on what those values were or what they meant, commemorations frequently became sites of division and conflict. All four commemorations were regularly used by organisers and participants to express views on contemporary political and social issues and, on several occasions in both countries, different groups battled for the control of particular commemorations. In both countries, increased levels of social conflict often led to the increased use of the past as a rhetorical device. The main conclusion to be drawn from this study is that these historic commemora¬tions derived more of their meaning from their contemporary context than from the historical events which they commemorated. In particular, how the public viewed and understood the values symbolised and reaffirmed by the commemorations strongly affected their levels of support. People were most likely to observe the commem-orations when they were seen as symbolising values which were widely adhered to and seen as threatened or urgently needed. The historic commemorations examined in this thesis were often strongly affected by contemporary events which were seen as relating, positively or negatively, to the values which the commemorations embodied.

This thesis analyses and compares two historic commemorations in Northern Ireland with two in New Zealand, in the period from 1940 to 1990. These commemorations are the Twelfth of July and Remembrance Sunday in Northern Ireland, and Waitangi Day and Anzac Day in New Zealand. Examination of these commemorations has revealed several patterns. In the commemorations studied in this thesis, levels of public adherence generally depended on the extent to which the values that the commemoration symbolised were seen as threatened or highly needed. The commemorations which reaffirmed compelling values tended to enjoy higher levels of public support than those expressing values which were seen as either unnecessary or unthreatened. In both countries, historic commemorations were capable of uniting communities behind core values. However, in cases where there was no general agreement on what those values were or what they meant, commemorations frequently became sites of division and conflict. All four commemorations were regularly used by organisers and participants to express views on contemporary political and social issues and, on several occasions in both countries, different groups battled for the control of particular commemorations. In both countries, increased levels of social conflict often led to the increased use of the past as a rhetorical device. The main conclusion to be drawn from this study is that these historic commemora¬tions derived more of their meaning from their contemporary context than from the historical events which they commemorated. In particular, how the public viewed and understood the values symbolised and reaffirmed by the commemorations strongly affected their levels of support. People were most likely to observe the commem-orations when they were seen as symbolising values which were widely adhered to and seen as threatened or urgently needed. The historic commemorations examined in this thesis were often strongly affected by contemporary events which were seen as relating, positively or negatively, to the values which the commemorations embodied.

Ayant vécu de 1771 à 1841, Édouard Bignon incarne la génération d’hommes qui a traversé, non sans encombre, la Révolution, le Directoire, le Consulat, l’Empire, la Restauration et la monarchie de Juillet. Sa carrière est le reflet des changements politiques français. Précepteur à la fin de l’Ancien Régime, il s’enrôle dans l’armée en 1793 pour fuir les proscriptions de la Terreur. Sous le Directoire, en 1797, il intègre la carrière diplomatique au sein de laquelle il reste dix-neuf années, jusqu’en 1815 : il y connaît une progression continue, passant du rang de second secrétaire de légation en 1797 à celui de ministre plénipotentiaire en Pologne en 1813. Après avoir participé aux Cent-Jours, il se retire de la vie publique. Deux ans après Waterloo, il est élu député et siège dans les rangs de l’opposition libérale jusqu’à la chute de la monarchie bourbonienne. Indépendamment de ses mandats de députés, il se lance dans une carrière de publiciste et d’historien qui lui assure une notoriété grandissante. En effet, dans son testament, Napoléon Ier lui a commandé une histoire diplomatique de la France à laquelle Bignon s’attelle dès 1821. Divisée en quatorze tomes, cette Histoire de France paraît à partir de 1829. L’année suivante, Bignon participe à la chute de Charles X et devient proche des gouvernements de Louis-Philippe : il est nommé pair de France en 1837, couronnement d’une longue carrière au service de la France. Cette étude biographique, qui embrasse la totalité de sa carrière, entend mettre à l’honneur le parcours d’un diplomate napoléonien à l’envergure secondaire, les activités d’un parlementaire sous la Restauration et la monarchie Juillet, et l’originalité d’un historien de l’Empire. / Born in 1771 and died in 1841, Édouard Bignon embodies the generation who has live, with some trouble, through the French Revolution, the Directory, the Consulate, the First Empire, the Restoration and the July Monarchy. His career reflects all the French political changes. A private tutor, he enlisted in 1793 while trying to avoid being arrested. During the Directory, in 1797, he joined the Foreign Office and stayed in this departement until 1815 : he was constantly promoted, from the position of 2nd secretary in 1797 to minister plenipotentiary in Poland in 1813. As he joined the ranks of Napoleon during The Hundred Days, he had to retire from public life once Louis XVIII came back. Two years after Waterloo, he became a member of Parliament and sat among the liberals until the Bourbons fall. Separately from his political activities, he published several historical books which rose his popularity. In his will, Napoleon asked him to write the diplomatic history of his reign. Begun in 1821, the Histoire de France was issued from 1829 to 1850 and split into 14 volumes. In 1830, he contributed to the July Monarchy’s birth and became one of its support in Parliament : Louis-Philippe rewarded him and appointed him as peer of France in 1837, as a public recognition for his duties. This study which tackles all Bignon’s activities, aims to emphasize a medium scale diplomatic experience, parliamentarian’s occupations during the Restoration and the July Monarchy and Napoleon historian’s originality.