An Inconvenient Truth (2006) och The planet (2006) är två stycken dokumentärfilmer som behandlar klimathotet och dess globala följder. Uppsatsen diskuterar den retoriska meningen och de retoriska skiljaktigheter, likheter mellan dokumentärfilmerna. Den diskuterar även syftet av de filmsekvenser som används till varje tal/intervju. Uppsatsen innehåller analyser av varje film samt en analyssummering mellan båda filmerna. An Inconvenient Truth (2006) är en dokumentärfilm med fokus på Al Gores och hans kampanj där han försöker informera folk gällande klimathotet. The Planet (2006) är en dokumentärfilm med olika typer av forskare och experter som med hjälp av statistik från forskning belyser vad som händer och kommer att hända med planeten. / An Inconvenient Truth (2006) and The Planet (2006) are both documentaries with focus on the climate change and its global causes. This report discusses the rhetorical meaning and rhetorical differences, likenesses between the documentaries. It also discusses the purpose in choosing types of visual scenes to each speech/interweave. The report contain analyzes of each movie and a analyze summit between both movies. An Inconvenient Truth (2006) is a documentary with the focus on Al Gore with his campaign to inform people about the climate change. The Planet (2006) is a documentary including different kind of scientists and experts who use statistics from their research to show what is happening and what will happen to the planet.

<p>An Inconvenient Truth (2006) och The planet (2006) är två stycken dokumentärfilmer som behandlar klimathotet och dess globala följder. Uppsatsen diskuterar den retoriska meningen och de retoriska skiljaktigheter, likheter mellan dokumentärfilmerna. Den diskuterar även syftet av de filmsekvenser som används till varje tal/intervju. Uppsatsen innehåller analyser av varje film samt en analyssummering mellan båda filmerna. An Inconvenient Truth (2006) är en dokumentärfilm med fokus på Al Gores och hans kampanj där han försöker informera folk gällande klimathotet. The Planet (2006) är en dokumentärfilm med olika typer av forskare och experter som med hjälp av statistik från forskning belyser vad som händer och kommer att hända med planeten.</p> / <p>An Inconvenient Truth (2006) and The Planet (2006) are both documentaries with focus on the climate change and its global causes. This report discusses the rhetorical meaning and rhetorical differences, likenesses between the documentaries. It also discusses the purpose in choosing types of visual scenes to each speech/interweave. The report contain analyzes of each movie and a analyze summit between both movies. An Inconvenient Truth (2006) is a documentary with the focus on Al Gore with his campaign to inform people about the climate change. The Planet (2006) is a documentary including different kind of scientists and experts who use statistics from their research to show what is happening and what will happen to the planet.</p>

Modern Americans are exposed to scientific and technical information on a daily basis that urges them to react as well as learn about new ideas. The popular science writing that circulates this information must be portrayed in a way that makes it easy for lay people to understand complicated ideas while at the same time remaining complex enough to convince readers that the information is reliable, accurate, and worth learning. In making decisions about how to accomplish this balancing act, science writers make decisions that influence the audience's opinion about new scientific ideas, how easily the audience will accept or reject these ideas, and how the audience will react to the new information. In order to be as influential as possible on their audience, science writers must take full advantage of rhetorical kairos, or opportune timing. For this, they must keep in mind not only the chronological time and physical space, but issues including political maneuverings, society's morals, popular culture, and a myriad of other considerations. Any text must be influenced by the kairos that exists both before the text is created and during the presentation. In addition, each text helps create a new kairos for texts that come after. This is especially true in the field of popular science writing. Al Gore's An Inconvenient Truth is a useful text for analysis of this process, as he portrays scientific information to a lay audience in order to promote acceptance of a controversial idea and to encourage action based on that acceptance. Because he is working on a delicate topic for the time, Gore had to rely heavily on the kairos of the moments before and during his presentations, and he created a fertile kairos for continuation of the environmental discussion.

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This dissertation uses Critical Discourse Analysis to study debates among elite members and affiliates of the Democratic Party from 1988-2008 on class issues and their relevance to the party's environmental agenda. This research builds off of several related historical and theoretical accounts (both primary and secondary) of new social and economic divisions between college-educated and non-college educated workers that have shaped American politics since the 1970s. I focus on how Democratic interest in environmentalism changed as a 'professional-managerial-class' or 'new class' supplanted unionized, industrial workers as the primary social base of the Democratic party. I trace how related people and groups associated with the party understood the relevance of these different classes to consolidating enduring electoral power, and how these informed specific arguments for what ideological views or policy proposals the party should publicly embrace. Furthermore, I identify 'green' narratives related to environmental protection, as an emerging thematic framework that some Democrats felt could help them build a coalition based primarily around support from educated, white-collar workers. I contend that the ideological character of the party's environmental rhetoric, as articulated in this debate, has been influenced mostly by attempts to tailor the party's agenda to the perceived sensibilities of the college-educated, rather than the older working-class base. My analysis proposes three overarching core concepts most often ascribed to the professional class and its members' ideological disposition. I use the discursive method described above to explore their relationship to the framing of the climate issue and its connection to broader ideological values. These are (A) Meritocracy (B) Technocratic Rationality, and (C) Individualism. I argue these professional-oriented climate narratives can be understood as adapting the conceptual reasoning of an older liberal tradition to the structural conditions of the post-70s, globalized economy. Specifically, that the frequent emphasis on these three concepts implicit to the PMC-centric discourse is consistent with a liberal view of freedom as 'non-interference', and a related hostility to democratic interventions into the market. This ideological analysis is significant to the dissertation's focus on framings of climate change because an account this conceptual logic reveals the potential limits of the Democrats' efforts to create majoritarian, political support for environmental protection. / Doctor of Philosophy / This dissertation provides an analysis of debates among elite members and affiliates of the Democratic Party from 1988-2008 on class issues and their relevance to the party's environmental agenda. This investigation is informed by existing accounts of the social and economic divisions between college-educated and non-college educated workers that have shaped American politics since the 1970s. I focus on how Democratic interest in environmentalism developed as a 'professional-managerial-class' or 'new class' supplanted unionized, industrial workers as the primary social base of the Democratic party. I trace how related people and groups associated with the party understood the relevance of these different classes to winning future elections, and how these informed specific arguments for what ideological views or policy proposals the party should publicly embrace. Furthermore, I identify 'green' narratives related to environmental protection, as an emerging thematic framework that some Democrats felt could help them build a coalition based primarily around support from educated, white-collar workers. There are two narratives about class and its relevance to the party that recur frequently in these sources. The first advocates for a coalition made up primarily by the working-class, conceived of as wage-earning, high-school educated voters working in domestically bound, blue collar industries. The second argues the party should build a coalition made up of a professional-managerial class—referred to as the "symbolic analysts", "the rising learning class", "ideapolis dwellers", or "wired workers"— conceived of as affluent, well-educated professionals working in globally integrated sectors of a high-tech "new economy". Each of these views are based on identifying specific ideological sensibilities with the respective classes, which then justify arguments for particular framings of the party's identity and policy agenda. I contend that the ideological character of the party's public philosophy, as articulated in this debate, has been influenced mostly by attempts to tailor the party's agenda (or rhetoric) to the perceived sensibilities of the college-educated, rather than the older working-class base. I show that this was motivated by a belief that a coalition built around votes from the PMC would serve as a more reliable electoral base in a political environment where it was difficult to build support through redistributive, New Deal-style policies as the party had done since the 1930s. Some members perceived the professionals' investment in a post-material "New Politics" or "progressive centrism" as an alternative. The college-educated, they argued, could be motivated to support the Democrats on cultural grounds, allowing the party to embrace more free-market policies. In addition, several figures, including Chuck Schumer, Bill Clinton, and Al Gore argued that environmentalism could or should serve as the foundation of this progressive centrist version of the party, because of green issues' supposed compatibility with a 'pro-business', market-based agenda.

This study is an interpretive form of qualitative research that is founded in educational connoisseurship and criticism, which uses the author’s personal experiences as a holistic educator in a public school to connect theory and practice. Key research questions include: How do I, as a teacher, work with the Ontario curriculum to make it more holistic? What strategies have I developed in order to teach a more holistic curriculum? What kinds of difficulties interfere with my practice as I attempt to implement my holistic philosophy of education? This dissertation seeks to articulate a methodology for developing holistic curriculum that is in conformity with Ontario Ministry guidelines and is also responsive to the multifaceted needs of the whole student. The research findings will serve to inform teachers who wish to engage in holistic education in public schools and adopt a curriculum that is transformative while still being adaptable within mainstream education.

This study is an interpretive form of qualitative research that is founded in educational connoisseurship and criticism, which uses the author’s personal experiences as a holistic educator in a public school to connect theory and practice. Key research questions include: How do I, as a teacher, work with the Ontario curriculum to make it more holistic? What strategies have I developed in order to teach a more holistic curriculum? What kinds of difficulties interfere with my practice as I attempt to implement my holistic philosophy of education? This dissertation seeks to articulate a methodology for developing holistic curriculum that is in conformity with Ontario Ministry guidelines and is also responsive to the multifaceted needs of the whole student. The research findings will serve to inform teachers who wish to engage in holistic education in public schools and adopt a curriculum that is transformative while still being adaptable within mainstream education.