This study examines two trade unions at Skoghall, Skoghalls LS of SAC and the Swedish Paper unions division 36 at Skoghallverken. The purpose of this study is to get a knowledge about what kind of methods that Skoghalls LS of SAC used to get better working conditions and living conditions for the worker at Skoghallsverken and compare them to the methods that division 36 of the Swedish Paperworkersunion at Skoghallsverken used to create better living conditions and working conditions. The question that I asked in the study is: What kind of working methods did Skoghalls LS of SAC and division 36 of the Swedish Paperworkingunion of improve the working and living conditions of the workers at Skoghallsverken? What kinds of conflicts were common at Skoghallsverken between 1920-1928? To be able to do the study I read meeting minutes from Skogshalls LS members meetings between 1919 and 1928 and meeting minutes from division 36 of the Swedish Paperworkersunions membersmettings between 1921 and 1926. And the examination was done at Arkivcentrum Värmland where they helped me to get the sources that I needed to do the study. One of the results that examine shows is that Skoghalls LS of SAC helped workers in their daily lives for i.e. when they had economic troubles. Skoghalls LS probably used the Social security system in Sweden where not created in the 1920: s which is the time that is examined in this study. Division 36 on the other hand had worked in similar way as Skoghalls LS with workers who were in need, i.e. they helped them with money if they had economic problems and raised money to them. But in other conflicts Division 36 took a lot more careful stance against the director’s board at Skoghallsverken i.e. when they gave notice about strike under the Christmas holiday along time before the actual dates. The defensive approach that division 36 used is probably rooted in LO: s reformistic ideas and a will to create consensus between the workers and the directors of the industry. The conclusions that can be drawn from the result are these: Skoghalls where defensive trade union and Skoghallsverken where calm workplace what where free from big conflicts between unions and the employers. The conflicts that occurred in the 1920: s where about social issues i.e. poor housing standards for the employees at Skoghallsverken and indignation about the 8 hours working day. But Skoghalls LS and Skoghall 36 also dealt with issues where families had lost their incomes because the father in the family had died and it was fathers who get the income to their families when they where working. Skoghalls LS and Skoghall 36 where using very similar working methods to improve the workers livingenviroment and workingingenviroment and Skoghalls LS of SAC where not as radical as said they would be. / I denna studie undersöks två fackföreningar på Skoghall, Skoghalls LS av SAC och Svenska Pappersarbetareförbundets avdelning 36 på Skoghallsverken under 1920-talet. Uppsatsens syfte är att ta reda på vilka metoder som Skoghalls LS av SAC använde sig av för att förbättra arbetsvillkoren och livsvillkoren för arbetarna på Skoghallsverken och jämföra Skoghalls LS metoder med Svenska Pappersarbetareförbundets avdelning 36 för att vad vilka arbetsmetoder som de använde sig av för att förbättra de bruksanställdas arbetssituation och livssituation. Frågeställningarna som jag formulerat i uppsatsen är: Vilka arbetsmetoder använde sig SAC och Svenska pappersarbetareförbundet avdelning 36 av för att förbättra de bruksanställdas arbetsmiljö och livsmiljö? Vilka olika typer av konflikter förekom under 1920-1928?. Och för att kunna genomföra undersökningen så har mötesprotokoll från Skoghalls LS mellan åren 1919-1928 använts samt mötes protokoll från Svenska Pappersarbetareförbundets avdelning 36 på Skoghallsverken mellan åren 1921-1926. Undersökningen genomfördes på Arkivcentrum Värmland och gick till så att mötesprotokoll från fackföreningarnas medlemsmöten genomgicks för att få reda på vad fackföreningarna använde av för att förbättra bruksarbetarnas arbetsvillkor och livsvillkor. Resultat av undersökningen visar bland annat att Skoghalls LS stöttade arbetare på det sociala planet när de t.ex. hamnat i ekonomiska svårigheter därför att fadern som försörjde familjen hade dött och då tillsatte Skoghalls LS en kommitté för att ordna ekonomiskt stöd till familjen. Att Skoghalls LS använde sig av dessa metoder i kampen för bättre villkor i arbetet och i vardagen kan bero att arbetarna inte skulle få någon hjälp om facket inte hjälpte dem då det sociala skyddsnätet i Sverige inte var så väl utbyggt. Svenska Pappersarbetareförbundets avdelning 36 på Skoghallsverken stöttade också medlemmar som hamnat i nöd genom att t.ex. samla in pengar till de arbetare som behövde det. Skoghall 36 gick också ut och varslade om att lägga ner arbetet på julaftonen därför att arbetarna inte skulle arbeta under denna högtid. Att Skoghall 36 Samlade in pengar för att stötta nödställda arbetare kan ha berott på att de ville vinna arbetarnas förtroende och få med i fackföreningen samt att det sociala skyddsnätet ännu inte var utbyggt i Sverige. Varslet om strejk som gjordes en tid innan julhelgen gjordes antagligen för att LO baserar sin taktik på reformistisk grund och vill skapa samförstånd mellan arbetare och arbetsgivare. En spontanstrejk skulle göra väcka irritation hos arbetsgivarna. De slutsatser som går att dra av resultat visar att Skoghalls LS var en väldigt defensiv fackförening och att Skoghallsverken var en lugn arbetsplats trots att det under 1920-talet förekom många konflikter på arbetsmarknaden mellan fack och arbetsgivare. De konflikter som förekom på Skoghall och Skoghallsverken handlade t.ex. om sociala frågor så som undermåliga bostadsförhållanden och om familjer som hamnat i svåra förhållanden när fadern dött och familjen förlorat sin inkomst eftersom det var fadern som försörjde familjen ekonomiskt t.ex. Men det förekom också strejker som när Skoghalls LS gick ut i Strejk för att visa sitt missnöje med hur systemet med 8 timmars arbetsdag fungerade eller när Skoghall 36 varslade om strejk för att de inte ville att med lemmarna skulle arbeta under julhelgen. Konflikterna var heller inte särskilt långa eller vilda utan sträckte sig oftast bara över ett par dygn och var inte särskilt frekventa. En annan slutsats som går att dra är att Skoghalls LS och Skoghall 36 använde sig utav väldigt likartade arbetsmetoder för att förbättra de bruksanställdas arbetsmiljö och livsmiljö. Skoghalls LS var inte alls så offensiva som de och SAC utgav sig för att vara och kanske vilket ha göra med att pappersindustrin var en ganska konfliktfri bransch om man jämfört med industrisektorer som flottnings och gruvindustrin som hade betydligt fler konflikter.

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M.A., Journalism and Media Studies, Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, 2006 / The focus of this study is on the coverage of industrial action by the Mail & Guardian between 1999 and 2004. Mainly, the study seeks to understand the coverage of labour issues by the newspaper in post-apartheid South Africa. It is argued that the coverage, or lack of coverage, of labour issues by the paper is related to socio-economic and political conditions in the country. Literature on the influential role the ownership and control of media play in the content of news, as well as the influence of advertising, is analysed to attain a clear understanding of the pattern of coverage of labour news in post-apartheid South Africa. Therefore, the study uses the coverage of industrial action as a yardstick to measure as well as to understand the extent and the shift in editorial content of the newspaper with specific reference to industrial action. The main argument of the study is that the prevailing socio-economic and political conditions in South Africa, brought about by the advent of democracy, coupled with structural limitations play a fundamental role in determining the manner in which working-class issues are currently covered by the Mail & Guardian. It emerges in the study that the manner in which labour news in general and industrial action in particular are covered has shifted and thus replaced in the main by articles on labour politics. The extent to which the Mail & Guardian covers industrial action in the post-apartheid era has declined, and more emphasis is being placed on other beats that are not directly the interests of the poor and the working class.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 1993. / Vita. Abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 118-123). Also available via the Internet.

Yes / This article examines the frequency, nature and outcomes of employers seeking injunctions against strikes and industrial action mounted by unions between 2005 and 2014. The number of actual and threatened applications continues to be relatively high compared with the previous period when strike levels were significantly higher, with employers continuing to gain overwhelmingly successful outcomes. Yet usage is increasingly concentrated in a small number of industrial sectors, suggesting the notion of ‘strike effectiveness’ provides the best means by which to explain their relative frequency and presence. Comparative analysis with Ireland highlights the specificity of the nature of British legal regulation of employer seeking injunctive relief.

Flashmob-Aktionen im Arbeitskampf berühren den weiten Schutzbereich des Rechts am eingerichteten und ausgeübten Gewerbebetrieb. Diese Dissertation stellt Gesichtspunkte zur rechtlichen Bewertung des Einsatzes atypischer Arbeitskampfmittel vor, die den Gewerbeschutz komplettieren sollen. Ein Eingriff in das Recht am Gewerbebetrieb wird angenommen, wenn das beeinträchtigende Verhalten betriebsbezogen ist, eine erheblichen Schadensgefahr beinhaltet und keine bloße Bagatell-Beeinträchtigung ist. Die Rechtfertigung des Eingriffs erfordert eine Interessenabwägung. Als Rahmen der Abwägung empfiehlt die Arbeit folgende Punkte: 1. Welchen Bereich der gewerblichen Tätigkeit betrifft die Arbeitskampfaktion? 2. Handelt es sich um eine plötzliche, nicht-existenzielle Beeinträchtigung des Betriebsablaufes? 3. Welche Qualität und Quantität weist die Beeinträchtigung auf? 4. Welche finanziellen Nachteile sind infolge der Arbeitskampfaktion nachweisbar? Flashmob-Aktionen im Arbeitskampf sind das koordinierte, von Außen unvorhersehbare Tun einer Personenmehrzahl zur Verfolgung tariflicher Zwecke im räumlichen Umfeld eines Betriebes. Das BAG beurteilte Flashmob-Aktionen in seinem Urteil aus dem Jahr 2009 nicht als generell rechtswidrig. Diese Sichtweise bestätigte das BVerfG im Jahr 2014 auf eine Urteilsverfassungsbeschwerde hin. Die Bearbeitung stellt die zentralen Entscheidungsgesichtspunkte des BAG dar und prüft ihre Validität bei der Einordnung und Bewertung atypischer Arbeitskampfmittel. Zu ihnen zählen die Ausformung des Schutzbereichs der Koalitionsfreiheit, die Freiheit der Kampfmittelwahl, der Verhältnismäßigkeitsgrundsatz und die Parität. Die Dissertation erörtert ferner die Historie und Motivation der Nutzung atypischer Arbeitskampfmittel und setzt diese mit Konzepten des Organizings in Beziehung. Weiterhin stellt die Arbeit die jüngere Rechtsprechung nationaler sowie europäischer Gerichte zu atypischen Kampfmitteln dar. / Atypical industrial action like flashmobs challenge business-owners'' long-established „Recht am eingerichteten und ausgeübten Gewerbebetrieb“ - a case-law based institute in German tort law that protects against interferences with individual and coporate economic activity. The book aims at refining the means to evaluate impairments of the „Recht am eingerichteten und ausgeübten Gewerbebetrieb“ in such cases. Up until now, interferences only qualified as such, if they were sufficiently related to the economic activity of the business, posed a relevant financial threat to it and did not qualify as bagatelles - as is usually the case during strikes. The further qualification of the interference as a breach requires a balancing of the opposing legal and factual positions. The following questions are designed to adjust the balancing-process across different scenarios of atypical industrial action: 1. Which part of business-activity is being affected by the industrial action? 2. Does the interference imply a sudden, non-existential impairment of the business procedures? 3. Of what quality and quantity is the impairment? 4. To which extent does the industrial action cause measurable financial damage for the business? A flashmob in the context of industrial action is a coordinated, externally unpredictable act of a multitude of people inside or around a business to the end of a trade agreement. In 2009 the Federal Labour Court of Germany ruled that this type of industrial action was not generally illegitimate, a view that the Federal Constitutional Court upheld in 2014. This book recounts central aspects of the former ruling and tests their validatity. Among them are the scope of the freedom of association, the free choice of means, the principle of proportionality and that of parity. The book further portrays history and motivation behind atypical industrial action and depicts recent corresponding German and European judicature.

This study examines the impact of strike action on the stock market in SA, particularly the company share price. In recent years, SA has seen a steady increase in strike actions related to wage increases, which have generally been of short duration. The study is conducted by computing abnormal returns and subsequently cumulative abnormal returns for listed companies that had experienced strikes between 2003 and 2009. The sample included 49 listed companies on Johannesburg Stock Exchange. The results of the study reveal that stock prices react negatively to the news of a strike action five days prior to the strike and continue on a downward trajectory approximately 5 days post the strike action. The study finds that JSE is not an efficient market as it takes days for the market to return to equilibrium after an announcement. The research observed that there were numerous factors that influence the occurrence of strikes/industrial actions in South Africa namely; SA’s political history, trade unions irrational behaviour, information asymmetry and economic climate among other factor.

This dissertation is a critical analysis of the provisions of sec 64(l)(b) and (c), 66(2)(b) and 77(l)(b) and (d) of the Labour Relations Act 66 of 1995 which prescribe notice of industrial action as a requirement of protected industrial action in South Africa. It traces the historical background of the requirement. It also addresses issues such as the purpose(s) of the notices, their scope of application, meaning, implications, who must give notice, to whom must notice be given, timing, computation, their duration, the consequences of failure to comply with them and various potential difficulties in the practical application of the notice requirement as well as the unintended consequences flowing from the provisions. Recommendations are made for the amendment of the Act in certain respects. The dissertation concludes that there is no justification for the inclusion in the Act of this requirement. The law is stated as at 30 September 2005. / Jurisprudence / LL.M.

This dissertation is a critical analysis of the provisions of sec 64(l)(b) and (c), 66(2)(b) and 77(l)(b) and (d) of the Labour Relations Act 66 of 1995 which prescribe notice of industrial action as a requirement of protected industrial action in South Africa. It traces the historical background of the requirement. It also addresses issues such as the purpose(s) of the notices, their scope of application, meaning, implications, who must give notice, to whom must notice be given, timing, computation, their duration, the consequences of failure to comply with them and various potential difficulties in the practical application of the notice requirement as well as the unintended consequences flowing from the provisions. Recommendations are made for the amendment of the Act in certain respects. The dissertation concludes that there is no justification for the inclusion in the Act of this requirement. The law is stated as at 30 September 2005. / Jurisprudence / LL.M.

South Africa has been experiencing a number of violent strikes by trade unions in recent times. The issue is not only to hold unions liable for damage caused during strikes, but also to reduce the number of violent strikes. This study investigates if victims of such violence can hold trade unions liable for the violent acts committed by their members during industrial action. The Labour Relations Act, 66 of 1995 (LRA) makes provision for the dismissal of employees who commit misconduct during an unprotected strike. It also provides the remedy of an interdict and a claim for just and equitable compensation which can be made against the union, during an unprotected strike. It is further possible to hold the union together with its members liable for damages in terms of the Regulation of Gatherings Act, 205 of 1993 (RGA). The study argues that a strike or conduct in furtherance of a strike that becomes violent could lose protection and the trade union should consequently be held liable, in terms of the LRA and/ or the RGA, for damages caused by its members. This study investigates the position in Canada, Botswana and Australia to determine if there could be any other basis upon which to hold trade union liable for the conduct of its members. The study recommends that the common law doctrine of vicarious liability should be developed by the courts to allow trade unions to be held liable for damages caused by members during violent industrial action. Policy considerations and changing economic conditions and the nature of strikes in the Republic favours the expansion of the doctrine of vicarious liability to trade union member relationship. / Mercantile Law / LL. D.