Cette thèse vise à reconstituer la genèse et le développement des politiques publiques du handicap (1956-1982), dans une perspective croisée entre l’Espagne, l’Argentine et le Brésil. La méthode de l’histoire croisée nous incite à envisager la singularité de la trajectoire nationale des politiques publiques en fonction de l'étendue du champ des possibles imaginés à l'échelle internationale et des normes diffusées par les organisations intergouvernementales. A la sortie de la seconde guerre mondiale, les organisations intergouvernementales (ONU, OMS, OIT) promeuvent un nouveau projet d’innovations sociales dans le domaine de la réadaptation, qui s’inspire des expériences anglo-saxonnes et scandinaves. Ce projet est qualifié de « moderne » afin de discréditer les méthodes européennes de la rééducation développées après la première guerre mondiale. Nous le qualifions de modernité nord-atlantique de la réadaptation. Il se caractérise avant tout par une légalité libérale dans le domaine de l’emploi (refus des mesures de quota appliquées aux entreprises privées, placement sélectif, constitution d’ateliers protégés pour les personnes jugées peu productives), mais aussi par le principe de coordination des politiques sectorielles, et par une tendance à l’égalisation des droits entre toutes les catégories d’invalides. L’objectif de notre thèse est de comprendre les mécanismes et les limites de l’internationalisation de cette modernité nord-atlantique dans ces trois pays. A l'échelle nationale, les multiples acteurs qui construisent les politiques publiques du handicap s’approprient les principes de la modernité nord-atlantique pour les défendre ou les contester. / This tesis aims at reconstituting the genesis and the development of the public policies of disability (1956-1982), with an entangled perspective between Spain, Argentina and Brazil. The method of entangled history encourages us to consider the singularity of the national development of public policies according to the scope of the feasibilities imagined at an international scale and to the standards promoted by the intergovernmental organisations. At the end of the Second World War, the intergovernmental organisations (UN, WHO, ILO) develop a new social innovations project in the field of rehabilitation, which is inspired by the anglo-saxon and scandinavian experience. This project is qualified as « modern » in order to discredit the european methods of reeducation developed after the First World War. We name it north-atlantic modernity of rehabilitation. It is mostly defined by a liberal legality in the field of work (refusal of quotas measures applied to private companies, selective placement, creation of sheltered workshops for people which are considered less productive), but also by coordination's principle of the sectorial policies, and by a tendency to equalization of the rights of all categories of disabled. The objective of our thesis is to understand the mechanisms and limits of the internationalization of this north-atlantic modernity in these three countries. At a national scale, the multiple actors who build the public policies of disability appropriate themselves the north-atlantic modernity principles to defend or contest them / Esta tese pretende reconstituir a gênese e o desenvolvimento das políticas públicas sobre as deficiências (1956-1982), na perspectiva da história cruzada entre a Espanha, a Argentina e o Brasil. O método de história cruzada nos incita a considerar a singularidade da trajetória nacional das políticas públicas, em função das ideias imaginadas na escala internacional e das normas difundidas pelas organizações intergovernamentais. No final da segunda guerra mundial, as organizações intergovernamentais (ONU, OMS, OIT) promoveram um novo projeto de inovações sociais na area da readaptação, as quais se inspiraram nas experiências anglo-saxonias e escandinavas. Esse projeto foi considerado "moderno", afim de descreditar os métodos europeus de reeducação desevolvidos depois da primeira guerra mundial. Nós o qualificamos de modernidade norte-atlântica de readaptação, o qual se distingue, primeiramente, pela legalidade liberal na área do emprego (rejeição de medidas de cotas aplicadas na empresas privadas, cargos seletivos, constituição de atêlies protegidos para pessoas consideradas pouco produtivas), mas também pelo princípio de coordenação das políticas setoriais, e por uma tendência à compensação dos direitos entre todas as categorias de deficientes. Sendo assim, o objetivo da nossa tese é de compreendrer os mecanismos e os limites da internacionalisação dessa modernidade norte atlântica nos três países. Na escala nacional, os múltiplos atores que constroem as políticas públicas da deficiência se apropriam dos princípios da modernidade norte atlântica para defendê-la ou contestá-la / Esta tesis tiene por objectivo reconstituir la génesis y el desarrollo de las políticas públicas de la discapacidad (1956-1982), en una perspectiva cruzada entre España, Argentina y Brasil. El método de la historia cruzada nos incita a considerar la singularidad de la trayectoria nacional de las políticas públicas en función de la amplitud de las posibilidades imaginadas al nivel internacional y de las normas difundidas por las organizaciones intergubernamentales. Después de la segunda Guerra Mundial, las organizaciones intergubernamentales (ONU, OMS, OIT) promueven un nuevo proyecto de innovaciones sociales en el ámbito de la readaptación, que se inspira en las experiencias anglosajonas y escandinavas. Los expertos califican este proyecto como "moderno" con el fin de desacreditar los métodos europeos de la reeducación desarrollados después de la Primera Guerra Mundial. Lo calificamos como modernidad norte-atlantica de la readaptación. Se caracteriza sobre todo por una legalidad liberal en el ámbito del empleo (denegación de las medidas de cuota aplicadas a las empresas privadas, colocación selectiva, constitución de talleres protegidos para las personas juzgadas poco productivas), y también por el principio de coordinación de las políticas sectoriales, y por una tendencia a la igualación de los derechos entre todas las categorías de inválidos. Nuestra tesis intenta entender los mecanismos y los límites de la internacionalización de esta modernidad norte-atlantica en estos tres países. Al nivel nacional, los múltiples protagonistas que construyen las políticas públicas de la discapacidad se apropian los principios de la modernidad norte-atlantica para defenderlos o impugnarlos

This master thesis deals with the mapping and analysis of Russian-Georgian relations in the period between 2004-2011. It focuses primarily on the development of relations after the onset of the new Georgian President Mikhail Saakashvili and after his transformation of Georgian Policy. The work is divided into chronological historical axis of events, from the history of Georgia and Georgian people, the author gets to the problems of August war in 2008. The main objective of this work is to find the causes of the war between Russia and Georgia, to map out its long-standing hostile relations and try to find its solutions. Starting point of this work is the assumption that Georgia and Russia have always been nations culturally very similar and therefore its friendly relations are essential for the regulation of conflicts on Georgia's borders. Russia as a powerful neighbor, has always had a superiority over Georgia. Therefore, in subsequent chapters is enhanced the need for intervention by international organizations such as NATO, OSCE, EU, etc. issues in Russian-Georgian conflict, in order to offset the forces of power on both sides. In the last chapters the thesis deals with the intervention of the international community, whether their pressure on Russia will be still intense and if in the future...

The thesis analyses the systems, dynamics and conditions of international cooperation/non-cooperation in the international community that is embodied through international/regional institutions and organisations. As Robert Cooper describes, the international community consists of the three worlds in which the differences between them may be confrontational in international cooperation. While the post-modern civilisation and values are introduced into the institutions and organisations for international peace and security, the state actors from the pre-modern and modern civilisations and values are vigorously defending the traditional version of state sovereignty. Then, all these are equally the member of the international community and, as Robert Axelrod¿s Prisoner Dilemma game sets, neither state actors nor structural actors of international relations can escape from it. Therefore, it is hoped that, as Axelrod¿s theory suggests, the closed community, in the end, produces cooperation and a positive peace for a better future for all. In the case studies, the OSCE faces a number of non-cooperative state actors, like Russia. An anti-OSCE civilisation exists and is resisting the organisational values, while it is staying in the framework. Thus, the organisation is suffering from defectors and free-riders. Knowing the limitation of the organisation, it still has a space for improvement and a useful function which is to provide a long term process to make a non-cooperate actor cooperative.

This paper investigates the impact of place-based identity on trust in international organizations and examines the role of civic engagement in reinforcing or mitigating these attitudes. In an era marked by global challenges and increasing polarization, trust in international organizations has become crucial for effective cooperation. Previous research has identified place-based identity as a fundamental social identity that influences out-group attitudes and plays a role in shaping civic engagement outcomes. Drawing on social identity theory and social capital theory, this study employs quantitative methods, utilizing ANES survey data conducted in the United States to explore the relationship between place-based identity and trust in international organizations. Focusing on the distinction between rural- and urban-identifying American citizens, the results reveal that rural-identifying individuals exhibit lower levels of trust in international organizations compared to their urban counterparts. These differences are characterized by marginal yet statistically significant effects. Furthermore, although the conditioning effect of civic engagement is not statistically significant, it provides intriguing insights that suggest it may reinforce the impact of place-based identity, potentially leading to negative effects on trust in civil society. These findings contribute to a broadened understanding of the interplay between identity and political attitudes, shedding light on the factors that influence them.

Inter-governmental organisations (IGOs) are given mandates by states to perform particular tasks: from refugee protection to the management of migration to promoting development. As new global challenges arise, such as climate change, these organisations must decide whether to ignore them or change in response. But what drives inter-governmental organisations to move beyond their mandates, if it is not their member states? International Relations offers a limited account of if and how they will respond to new issue areas. Principal-agent theory treats IGOs as units with fixed preferences to expand and maximise their tasks and scope (Hawkins et al. 2006; Nielson and Tierney 2003; Pollack 2003). Meanwhile, sociological institutionalism argues that IOs are driven by a logic of appropriateness and staff will only support expansion if it fits coherently with their organisational identity and culture (Barnett and Coleman 2005). I build on these two theories and propose that IGO behaviour should be explained by organisational type. IGOs exist along a spectrum from normative to functional ideal-types. Normative IGOs have supervisory status over a body of international law, seek moral legitimacy and follow a logic of appropriateness. Functional IGOs are projectised organisations which seek pragmatic legitimacy and adopt a logic of consequences. I illustrate how IGO type interacts with the status of the new issue area to determine the timing, nature and extent of organisational change. I focus on the responses to climate change of three inter-governmental organisations: the United Nations High Commission for Refugees, a normative organisation; the International Organisation for Migration, a functional organisation; and the United Nations Development Programme, a hybrid organisation. IGO type has important implications for IR scholars and policy-makers as we look to these institutions to provide global solutions to global issues such as climate change, migration, refugees and development.

This thesis is about the legitimacy of political authority in general and international legal institutions (ILIs) in particular. It is divided into two parts with three chapters corresponding to each part. The first part presents an account of legitimate political authority that is based on Joseph Raz's service conception of authority but also makes some important modifications to it. The central claim of the first part is that the legitimacy of political authorities in general, as measured by the standard of Raz's Normal Justification Thesis, depends in a crucial way on the ability of the subjects to get involved –more so than Raz is prepared to admit– in the activities that are relevant in the political domain. The thesis offers a general account of legitimate political authority, i.e. one that is valid for any type of political authority. The second part, however, examines the implications of this account for the legitimacy of ILIs. These are non-state authorities, such as the World Trade Organisation or the International Criminal Court, that deal with problems of global political relevance. Because of this global approach, the subjects of ILIs (i.e. those whose reasons are to be served by the ILI) are not confined to the boundaries of regions or states, but distributed across the world. ILIs operate by creating, interpreting, and applying public international law. Despite some striking differences between ILIs and other types of political authority (particularly states), I argue that they all ought to be measured by the same standard of legitimacy, namely the Normal Justification Thesis. But I also argue that the requirements for meeting this standard of legitimacy may vary according to the type of political authority (especially with regard to the requirement of democracy).

This thesis examines the role of international organizations (IOs) at the domestic level. While International Relations (IR) offers an extensive literature on IOs, with understandings of IOs ranging from instruments of states to autonomous actors, it tends to ignore the role of IOs working at the domestic level, with an 'on-the-ground' presence of their own, and what this means for the IO's relationship with the state. The thesis develops a heuristic framework for understanding what is called IO 'domestication', which outlines a range of ways an IO can work domestically. It then focuses on one type domestication in particular: surrogate statehood, or cases where an IO substitutes for the state by providing services, executing functions of governance, and assuming authority in a given locale. The framework identifies indicators of surrogacy, the conditions for IO surrogacy, and reasons why it is sustained. It also considers the various types of relationship that can emerge from IO surrogacy between the IO and the state, ranging from states that willingly choose to abdicate responsibility to the IO, to states that partner with the IO. Empirically, the thesis examines these relationships through the case studies of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda, which present a spectrum of UNHCR’s surrogacy over time. Ultimately, the thesis puts forth a counterintuitive claim: IOs that take on surrogate state properties actually have less influence on the states in which they are working. The analysis draws on two mechanisms to help explain this outcome: marginalisation of the state, and responsibility shifting.

This thesis comparatively analyses dilemmas arising from the unresolved Georgian-Abkhazian and Moldovan-Transnistrian conflicts. The many existing differences in the nature and dynamics of each conflict point to a sui generis situation, yet, many similarities also exist, including Soviet era legacies. The research premise is based on very considerable resourcing being dedicated to the resolution of these conflicts since their inception, yet no significant conflict transformation (Abkhazia has Russian recognition) has occurred, let alone peace. Given the mandate from the OSCE, EU and UN, the purpose of the thesis is to analyse their involvement. While evidence – local vested interests and strategic interests – illustrates the obvious obstructions, the thesis focuses on the IOs and asks why no tangible successes were achieved. This is done by critically analysing their performance, by assuming that success is often overlooked and by identifying a range of misperceptions. Therefore, by considering conflict transformation and engaging in analysis of many sources, including documents and about five-dozen interviews, the thesis reappraises the ethno-national origins, the geopolitical dimension and the entrenched conflicting party positions in the context of pan-European actors' responses. The analyses of the comparative peace processes illuminate the IOs' own challenges in reaching consensus as well as on the conflicting parties' competing narratives. Answering the question of what to produce first – a political solution to improve societal conditions, or the pursuing exercise of confidence-building measures (CBMs) to settle the status question – is part of the objective. I argue that a typology of success and failure more comprehensively explains IO performance between 1992 and the EU's Vilnius Summit in 2013.

Cette thèse porte sur le contrôle que les Etats exercent sur les ONG humanitaires. Ces dernièresconservent parfois une grande marge de manoeuvre dans la mise en oeuvre de leur mandat, alorsque, dans d'autres circonstances, elles agissent en sous-contractants de la politique étrangère deleur État d'origine. Nous cherchons à identifier les facteurs qui mènent les ONG plutôt dans unedirection que dans l’autre, ainsi que la modalité de contrôle exercée par les États – coordinationou blanchiment - La thèse explique pourquoi, au sortir de la guerre froide, les Etats ont accru leurengagement dans l’action humanitaire, de façon unilatérale d’abord et multilatérale ensuite.Sur la base de l’étude du cas de la politique humanitaire internationale entre 1989 et 2005,l’analyse révèle un processus causal constitué de cinq séquences, qui explique comment les Etatsont recours à un agent quand leurs stratégies unilatérales sont infructueuses.Nos résultats attestent du caractère stratégique du financement de l’action humanitaire pour lesEtats, conditionné par les préférences géographiques et politiques de ces derniers. Financerl’action humanitaire permet de soutenir les anciennes colonies, d’appuyer la lutte contre leterrorisme et les interventions militaires des pays donateurs. Les financements étatiquesbénéficient aux ONG les plus dépendantes de leurs Etats d’origine. Les organisations nongouvernementalesdeviennent des organisations néo-gouvernementales. Celles-ci connaissent un rejetplus fort de leur présence en zone de conflit par rapport aux ONG qui refusent de recourir auxfonds publics. Face à l’échec de leurs stratégies de contrôle unilatéral, les Etats interventionnisteseuropéens délèguent la gestion de la politique humanitaire à un agent, ECHO, dont le mandat estde rendre moins visible la tutelle étatique les ONG.Cette situation engendre des problèmesd’agences multiples : l’agent dérape en raison de sa forte perméabilité à ses sous-contractants. Enréaction, les Etats renforcent les dispositifs de contrôle sur leur agent. Au final, la politiquehumanitaire se construit sur un équilibre fragile dans lequel chaque État tend naturellement à lacontrôler tout en sachant qu'un contrôle trop visible priverait cette politique de l'efficacité qui luiest propre, et qui tient, précisément à sa neutralité. / This thesis examines how States control their humanitarian NGOs. NGOs may sometimes enjoya great room of manoeuver in the implementation of their mandate, whereas, in othercircumstances, they act as sub-contractors of their home States’ foreign policies. This researchaims to identify the factors leading them to opt for one or the other course of action, as well as themodalities of States’ control (coordination or laundering). We explain why, at the end of the ColdWar, States have increased their commitments in humanitarian action, firstly bilaterally and then,multilaterally. Drawing upon the analysis of the international humanitarian policy between 1989and 2005, we reveal a 5-phases causal process which explain why States delegate competencies toan international agent when faced with the failures of their unilateral strategies. The results showthat States fund humanitarian aid in a strategic way, aligned with their geographic and politicalpreferences. Humanitarianism enables them to support their former colonies, to contribute toanti-terrorism policies, and to back military interventions. States’ funding mostly benefit to NGOthat depend on their home States. NGO thus become neo-governmental organizations. Theseagencies experience a greater rate of rejection of their action in conflict zones that NGOs thatrefuse to rely on public funding. Faced with the failure of their unilateral control strategies,European interventionist States delegate the management of the humanitarian policy to an agent,ECHO, who mandate is to make the State control of NGOs less visible. This situation raisesmultiple-agency problems: the agent slips because of its strong permeability to its sub-contractors.The principal react by reinforcing the control of its agent. At the end of the day, the humanitarianpolicy builds on a fragile equilibrium in which each State strives to control is while knowing thata too visible control decrease the efficacy of such policy, which precisely lies on its neutrality.

The purpose of our thesis is to investigate the incentive mechanisms that may be used for a timely and successful implementation of Public-Private Partnership (PPP) projects. This purpose is achieved by investigating challenges and success factors within one of the largest Public-Private Partnership projects in Europe, the SESAR programme which stands for Single European Sky ATM Research and that aims at modernising the European air traffic management (ATM) system. The categories of SESAR actors that we investigated include: stakeholders (airspace users such as Air France, KLM, SAS; ANSPs from Sweden,Finland, Netherlands and the CANSO organisation; airport representatives including Swedavia, Zürich Airport and Guernsey Airport); as well as manufacturers (e.g. Airbus, Frequentis, Thales); international organisations as principals (e.g. European Commission – SESAR Joint Undertaking-, EUROCONTROL) and advisers (e.g. Helios UK). Referring to our contribution to the theory, we identify four categories of incentive mechanisms for timely implementation of large PPP projects: i. Financial incentives such as loans, proportionate with the level of risks the implementer bears; the deduction of loan fees or reduction of service charges can motivate stakeholders to implement earlier, once they identify a positive business case. ii. Operational incentives can refer to certain preferential treatment to those who comply and detrimental treatment to those who do not comply. iii. Legal incentives such as mandates can force commitment and have an impact on the timely implementation of PPP projects within a certain time-frame. iv. Intangible incentives, such as transparent communication, collaboration and less political behaviour, are seen as major factors contributing to the commitment and trust level among the actors involved, thus, enabling the success of the PPP project implementation.