The emergence of the African Union (AU) is seen as an effort to reposition Africa for the challenges of contemporary global realpolitik and, in particular, it provides a road map towards the attainment of a political union. The institutional architecture of the AU, modelled after the European Union (EU), indicates an intention on the part of the architects of the AU to endow the organisation with supranational attributes. However, none of its institutions has as yet started to exercise supranational powers. It is against this background that this thesis explores the feasibility of transforming the AU from a mere intergovernmental organisation into a supranational entity. In the course of the investigation, it was found that a major obstacle to realising this is the absence of shared democratic norms and standards, a consequence of the unconditional membership ideology of the AU. This thesis argues that the starting point of closer integration in Africa should be the cultivation and adoption of shared norms and values. To address this, the study proposes that the AU design an institutional mechanism for regulating its membership. Using the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) as a case study, this study shows that it is possible to establish a regulatory regime based on strict adherence to shared fundamental norms and values. A major recommendation is the transformation of the APRM into a legally binding instrument for setting continental democratic standards, assessing whether member states fulfil these standards and ultimately determining which member states are qualified, based on objective standards, to be part of a democratic AU. / Thesis (LLD)--University of Pretoria, 2010. / Public Law / unrestricted

This master thesis deals with the mapping and analysis of Russian-Georgian relations in the period between 2004-2011. It focuses primarily on the development of relations after the onset of the new Georgian President Mikhail Saakashvili and after his transformation of Georgian Policy. The work is divided into chronological historical axis of events, from the history of Georgia and Georgian people, the author gets to the problems of August war in 2008. The main objective of this work is to find the causes of the war between Russia and Georgia, to map out its long-standing hostile relations and try to find its solutions. Starting point of this work is the assumption that Georgia and Russia have always been nations culturally very similar and therefore its friendly relations are essential for the regulation of conflicts on Georgia's borders. Russia as a powerful neighbor, has always had a superiority over Georgia. Therefore, in subsequent chapters is enhanced the need for intervention by international organizations such as NATO, OSCE, EU, etc. issues in Russian-Georgian conflict, in order to offset the forces of power on both sides. In the last chapters the thesis deals with the intervention of the international community, whether their pressure on Russia will be still intense and if in the future...

The purpose of this paper is to investigate possible reasons Sweden might have had to motivate the start and end of its nuclear program during the Cold war. This investigation will be conducted using a qualitative research method and making a comparison between the theories realism and liberalism’s ability to explain the decisions.   The question this paper is based upon is as follows: Can Sweden’s creating and shutting down of a nuclear weapons program during the Cold war be explained by the international events and actions that were taking place during this time period?   The result consists of liberalism pointing out several failures on the international level that might explain the cynical decision from Sweden to create the nuclear weapons. Realism considers the decision to make perfect sense at this point in time, to protect Sweden on the anarchy that was going on at that time according to this theory. The ending of the nuclear weapons program is being explained largely by the rise of the MAD-concept which renders the acute need of nuclear weapons in Sweden void.  Liberalism on the other hand considers this a logic step due to the better established UN that is playing a larger role now than in the 1940s. In conclusion, realism does a better job explaining the start of the nuclear weapons program, while liberalism explains the end of it more efficiently.   The contribution this thesis has to the research of political science can be seen mainly in three areas. Firstly can the information gathered here be useful when negotiating with other countries regarding the possible shutting down nuclear programs in other states. Secondly has the decision not to develop nuclear weapons in Sweden surely effected 50 years of military strategy. Thirdly does the thesis contribute in the ongoing debate between liberalism and realism.

L’Organisation de coopération et de développement économiques (OCDE) préconise aux États de bonnes pratiques à adopter dans différents domaines des politiques publiques. En collaboration avec les gouvernements, l’OCDE couvre des thèmes aussi variés que la santé, l’immigration, l’environnement, la lutte contre la corruption, ou encore la promotion de systèmes éducatifs efficaces. En matière d’éducation, l’OCDE est devenue un acteur majeur de la gouvernance mondiale, comme en témoignent la participation de 85 pays aux enquêtes PISA et leur couverture médiatique. À travers ses études comparatives, ses rapports détaillés et ses évaluations internationales, l’OCDE s’est imposée sur la scène éducative internationale comme un véritable « entrepreneur de normes ». Si dans leurs discours publics, les décideurs politiques affichent un intérêt accru envers les travaux de l’OCDE, leur appropriation dans la production de politiques éducatives nationales demeure difficile à appréhender. La question principale de notre thèse est : comment l’OCDE oriente-t-elle la production de politiques éducatives ? À partir du cas français, notre recherche s’intéresse ainsi à la manière dont les idées et outils de l’OCDE peuvent guider les politiques éducatives nationales, à travers les usages que les acteurs nationaux en font. En s’appuyant sur le cas de l’OCDE et des politiques éducatives en France, la thèse a pour objectif d’interroger deux aspects en relations internationales et en politiques publiques, étudiés de manière conjointe : la circulation internationale des idées et ressources et leur appropriation dans les espaces nationaux. Le projet contribue ainsi à la littérature sur l’internationalisation de l’action publique. Les résultats de notre thèse montrent que le type et la fréquence d’utilisation des idées et ressources de l’OCDE varient selon les phases de production d’une politique publique et selon les acteurs nationaux qui s’en saisissent. Les spécificités, tant liées au contexte qu’aux acteurs qui interviennent selon les phases de production d’une politique publique, influencent le type et la fréquence d’usage des recommandations et données de l’OCDE. / The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) recommends good practices to governments in various policy areas. In collaboration with governments, the OECD covers topics as diverse as health, immigration, the environment, the fight against corruption, and the promotion of efficient education systems. In education, the OECD appears to have become a major player in global governance, as evidenced by the media coverage of its PISA tests and the participation of 85 countries in these surveys. Through its comparative studies, detailed reports and international assessments, the OECD has established itself on the international education scene as a "norm entrepreneur". Although policy makers are showing increased interest in the OECD's work in their public speeches, its appropriation in the production of national education policies remains difficult to grasp. The main question of our thesis is: how does the OECD guide the production of educational policies? Based on the case of France, our research looks at how OECD ideas and tools can guide national education policies, through the uses that national actors make of OECD ideas and resources. Using the case of the OECD and educational policies in France, the thesis aims to interrogate two aspects of the literature in international relations and public policy, studied together: the international circulation of ideas and resources and their appropriation in national spaces. The project contributes to the literature on the internationalization of public action. The results of our thesis show that the type and frequency of use of OECD ideas and resources vary according to the phases in the production of public policy and the national actors who use them. The type and frequency of use of OECD recommendations and data are influenced by the specificities of both the context and the actors involved in each phase of public policy production.

L’Union européenne est associée à l’activité de toutes les institutions qui encadrent l’économie internationale, qu’il s’agisse d’organisations internationales ou d’autres organismes multilatéraux. L’inclusion de l’Union dans ces communautés juridiques présente des avantages mutuels. L’Union, désireuse d’émerger comme acteur sur la scène internationale, peut promouvoir ses valeurs et ses intérêts. En même temps, intégrée aux espaces normatifs des institutions économiques internationales, elle contribue à la mise en œuvre de l’activité de celles-ci. Toutefois, cette intégration soulève aussi des difficultés. L’Union est soucieuse de préserver la maîtrise de sa propre organisation et une marge d’appréciation dans la régulation des phénomènes économiques. Les institutions économiques internationales, quant à elles, sont a priori peu habituées au fonctionnement de l’Union, notamment en ce qui concerne l’articulation de ses compétences avec celles de ses Etats membres. La participation de l’Union européenne aux institutions économiques internationales est un processus d’interaction institutionnelle permanente qui vise le dépassement de ces difficultés et l’adaptation réciproque. Projetant vers l’extérieur ses politiques publiques, qui constituent à leur tour la mise en œuvre de politiques des institutions économiques internationales, l’Union favorise la continuité des niveaux de la gouvernance économique mondiale. Ainsi, l’Union influence et est influencée par la libéralisation et la régulation multilatérales de tous les phénomènes économiques internationaux : le commerce, l’investissement, la finance et la coopération au développement. / The European Union is involved in the activity of all institutions that shape and supervise the world economy, be they international organizations or other multilateral fora. The Union’s inclusion in these legal communities is mutually beneficial. On the one hand, the Union is eager to assert itself as an actor on the international scene and can promote its values and interests. On the other hand, the Union helps to implement norms produced by host institutions and to achieve their goals, as it is integrated in their legal order or network. However, this integration also gives rise to some problems. The Union tries to protect its own organization and margin of appreciation in regulating economic phenomena. Moreover, in principle host institutions are not accustomed to its functioning, especially as far as relations with member states are concerned. The European Union’s participation in international economic institutions is a process of continuous institutional interaction which aims at overcoming these problems through reciprocal adaptation. As the Union promotes its public policies within international economic institutions, which shape in turn the Union’s policies, this process boosts the coherence between levels of economic governance. Thus, the Union influences and is influenced by multilateral liberalization and regulation of all economic phenomena: trade, investment, finance, and development cooperation.

L’étude part de la prémisse de l’analyse de la politique étrangère bissau-guinéenne en considérant le processus de la formation de l’État dans la période de la postindépendance, travers de leurs faiblesses (la dépendance) et de leurs potentiels (l’autonomie) par rapport au système mondial. Ainsi, l’étude s’insère dans le cadre temporel d’accumulation historique et institutionel de la Guinée-Bissau dans le système mondial contemporain (1973-2014).Notre hypothèse est que la politique étrangère bissau-guinéenne peut avoir résulté de deux facteurs: (a) des facteurs internes associés à l’instabilité politique et à la mauvaise gestion des ressources donnés; et (b) des facteurs externes liés à la mauvaise conduction de la politique étrangère et du financement externe, dans ses relations avec les organisations internationales. De ce fait, l’objectif de cette thèse de doctorat a été comprendre la politique étrangère de la Guinée-Bissau, en tenant compte le processusde la formation de l’État national, en considérant les crises multidimensionnelles et le rôle de deux organisations internationales – la Communauté des Pays de la Langue Portugaise (CPLP) et la Communauté Économique des États de l’Áfrique de l’Ouest (CÉDÉAO) – dans ses lignes directrices de politiques publiques, en obsérvant le degré d’influence de ces organisations internationales et le progrès atteint, ou non, au début du XXIème siècle. Dans le cadre de cette étude, nous avons choisi la période de la postindepéndance pour être étudiée, dans laquelle nous avons délimité trois phases différentes pour analyser la politique étrangère de la Guinée-Bissau, deux organisations internationales et ses impacts dans la politique intérieure; sont-elles: (a) phase du parti unique (1973-1993) – dont le but principal a été examiner si la politique étrangère a impacté, ou non, dans la faisabilité de l’État-nation bissau-guinéen et au projet de coopération internationale et à l’aide extérieure; (b) phase découlant de transition politique, d’exécution de la démocratie et de la première eléction jusqu’au coup politique (1994-1998), réformes politiques, constitutionnelles, économiques et son impact dans la politique étrangère; et (c) phase d’instabilité politique, économique et social au pays, coups et contrecoups (1998-2014) qui ont causé des impacts directs ou indirects dans la politique étrangère de la Guinée-Bissau, en considérant la dispute et le conflit idéologique des organisations qui sont objets de cette étude (CPLP et CÉDÉAO) et qui font part de la même. / O estudo parte da premissa de análise da política externa guineense levando em conta o processo de formação do Estado na pós-independência a partir de suas fragilidades (dependência) e de suas potencialidades (autonomia) em relação ao sistema mundial. Assim, o estudo se insere no marco temporal de acúmulo histórico e institucional da Guiné-Bissau no sistema mundial contemporâneo (1973-2014). A nossa hipótese é que apolítica externa guineense pode ter resultado de dois fatores: (a) fatores internos associados à instabilidade política e ao péssimo gerenciamento de recursos doados; e (b) fatores externos relacionados à má condução da política externa e do financiamento externo, na sua relação com organismos internacionais. Com isso, o objetivo dessa tese de doutoramento foi compreender a política externa da Guiné-Bissau, levando em conta o processo de formação do Estado nacional, tendo em conta as crises multidimensionais e o papel de dois organismos internacionais- Comunidade dos Países de Língua Portuguesa (CPLP) e Comunidade Econômica dos Estados da África Ocidental (CEDEAO)- nas suas diretrizes de políticas públicas, levando em consideração o grau de influência destas organizações internacionais e o progresso ou não alcançado no início do século XXI. Neste estudo, o período pós-independência foi o estudado, no qual delimitamos três períodos distintos para analisar a política externa da Guiné-Bissau, dois organismos internacionais e os seus impactos na política interna; são eles: (a) período de partido único (1973 a 1993) - cujo objetivo principal foi analisar se a política externa teve ou não impacto na viabilização do Estado-Nação guineense e o projeto de cooperação internacional e ajuda externa;(b) período decorrente de transição política, implementação da democracia e primeira eleição até o golpe político (1994-1998), reformas políticas, constitucionais, econômicas e o seu impacto na política externa; e (c) período de instabilidade política, econômica e social no país, golpes e contragolpes (1998 a 2014) que causaram impactos diretos ou indiretos na política externa da Guiné-Bissau, levando em consideração a disputa e o conflito ideológico dos organismos objetos deste estudo (CPLP e CEDEAO) que da mesma fazem parte. / The study starts from the premise of analysis of the Guinean foreign policy, taking into account the process of formation of the State in the post-independence, through its weaknesses (dependence) and its potentialities (autonomy) regarding the world system. Thus, the present study is inserted in the time frame of historical and institutional accumulation of Guinea-Bissau in the contemporary world system (1973-2014). Our hypothesis is that the Guinean foreign policy can result of two factors: (a) internal factors associated to the political instability and to the terrible management of donated resources, and (b) external factors related to the bad conduction of foreign policy and of external financing, in its relationship with international organisations. Thereby, the aim of this doctoral thesis was to understand the foreign policy of Guinea-Bissau, considering the process of formation of the national State, taking into consideration the multidimensional crises and the role of two international organisations (CPLP and ECOWAS) in its guidelines of public policies, considering the degree of influence of such international organisations and the progress, or not, reached at the beginning of the XXI century. Therefore, in this study, the period of post-independence was studied, in which we will delimitate three different periods to analyse the foreign policy of Guinea-Bissau, two international organisations and its impact on domestic politics. They are: a) period of a single party (from 1973 to 1993) - whose main purpose is to analyse if the foreign policy had, or not, the impact into the viability of the Guinean nation state and the project of international cooperation and foreign aid, b) period due to political transition, implementation of democracy and first election until the political coup (1994-1998), political, constitutional and economic reforms and its impact on foreign policy, and c) period of political, economic and social instability in the country, coups and anti-coups (from 1998 to 2014) that caused direct or indirect impacts, in the foreign policy of Guinea-Bissau, considering the dispute and the ideological conflict of the organisations object of this study (CPLP and ECOWAS) that the same is part.

Comment les organisations internationales produisent-elles leurs statistiques ? Cette thèse dévoile ces activités singulières à partir du cas de l’Office des Nations unies contre la drogue et le crime (UNODC). La démonstration suit une double approche sociologique (des relations internationales et des quantifications) en s’appuyant sur des entretiens menés au siège (à Vienne, en Autriche), la littérature méthodologique (interne et publiée) et les documents onusiens (normatifs et analytiques). Quantifier à l’échelle internationale consiste en un processus complexe organisé en étapes successives : accord d’un mandat, définition d’une méthode, collecte puis traitement et validation des données et, enfin, publication d’un rapport mondial. L’entreprise s’avère collective, impliquant le secrétariat de l’UNODC, les États-membres et des experts. En revanche, la tâche est inégalement répartie, les fonctionnaires internationaux réalisent ou coordonnent l’essentiel ; tout comme les interactions entre les acteurs sont asymétriques, l’UNODC dépend de ses États-membres à plusieurs égards et sans véritable pouvoir de les contraindre. Enjeux bureaucratiques, politiques, financiers, voire autocensure affectent alors le travail statistique routinier. De plus, les sources nationales officielles mais administratives – aux biais pourtant documentés et délicats à surmonter – restent majoritairement utilisées car légitimes. Le recours aux images satellites et aux enquêtes sur le terrain fait figure d’exception. Élaborées dans de telles conditions, les statistiques onusiennes de la drogue et du crime fournissent davantage un inventaire international consensuel que le diagnostic mondial prétendu. / How do international organizations produce their statistics? This thesis unveils these singular activities from the case of the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). The demon-stration follows a double sociological approach (of international relations and of quantification) based on interviews conducted at headquarters (in Vienna, Austria), methodological literature (internal and published) and UN documents (normative and analytical). Quantifying internationally is a complex process organized in successive steps: agreeing a mandate, defining a method, collecting and then processing and validating the data, and finally publishing a world report. The enterprise is collective, involving the UNODC secretariat, member states and experts. However, the task is unequally distributed, the international civil servants realizes or coordinates a large part of the work; just as the interactions between actors are asymmetrical, UNODC depends on its member states in many respects and has no real power to constrain them. Bureaucratic, political, financial and even self-censorship issues affect routine statistical work. In addition, official but administrative national sources – with their documented and delicate biases to overcome – remain mostly used because of their legitimacy. The use of satellite imagery and field surveys is an exception. Developed under such conditions, UN drug and crime statistics provide a more consensual international inventory than the so-called global diagnosis.

L’obligation de respect des droits de l’Homme s’adresse traditionnellement aux États. Cependant, les organisations internationales se présentent aujourd’hui de plus en plus comme des acteurs incontournables de la scène internationale et leur activité tend de plus en plus à réguler la vie des individus. Face à une telle situation, le « besoin » de voir les droits de l’Homme s’appliquer aux organisations internationales se fait de plus en plus prégnant, notamment au sein de la doctrine. Cela s’explique par les circonstances permettant à ces entités d’influencer la vie des personnes physiques et morales. De par leurs compétences et prérogatives elles se sont progressivement inscrites dans une relation de pouvoir vis-à-vis des individus que ce soit directement ou indirectement. En conséquence, au regard du degré de développement actuel de la protection internationale des droits de l’Homme, un tel comportement nécessite d’être encadré, notamment afin d’être légitime aux yeux de ceux sur lesquels il s’exerce. Toutefois, en dépit des fondements venant étayer cette nécessité de limitation du pouvoir exercé, sa concrétisation juridique n’en est qu’à ses prémices. Si d’un point de vue normatif, l’encadrement ébauché s’avère fragile mais potentiellement mobilisable ; d’un point de vue procédural, il demeure minimal voire inexistant. Dès lors, beaucoup reste encore à faire pour que l’applicabilité des droits de l’Homme aux organisations internationales passe de l’évidence au droit. / The obligation to respect human rights traditionally rests upon the States. However International Organisations have become nowadays key actors on the international scene and their activities tend to have more impact on the life of individuals. In the light of this situation, a ‘need’ emerged, especially amongst the doctrine, to see an effective application of human rights to International Organisations. This is due to the circumstances that allow such organisations to have an influence on the life of legal and physical entities. Because of their jurisdiction and their prerogative, International Organisations have established a relationship of power towards individuals, whether directly or indirectly. Therefore, considering the current degree of development of the International protection of Human Rights, such an activity must be regulated, especially in order to establish its legitimacy in the eyes of the subjects of this activity. Nevertheless despite the grounds supporting the necessity to limit the power of International Organisations, the legal concretisation of such limits is still at its early stages. If from a normative point of view, the sketched framework reveals itself to be fragile yet potentially mobilisable, from a procedural point of view it remains minimal to non-existent. Subsequently there is still much to be done in order to allow the applicability of Human Rights to International Organisations to go from a foregone conclusion to a legal reality.

L’étude part de la prémisse de l’analyse de la politique étrangère bissau-guinéenne en considérant le processus de la formation de l’État dans la période de la postindépendance, travers de leurs faiblesses (la dépendance) et de leurs potentiels (l’autonomie) par rapport au système mondial. Ainsi, l’étude s’insère dans le cadre temporel d’accumulation historique et institutionel de la Guinée-Bissau dans le système mondial contemporain (1973-2014).Notre hypothèse est que la politique étrangère bissau-guinéenne peut avoir résulté de deux facteurs: (a) des facteurs internes associés à l’instabilité politique et à la mauvaise gestion des ressources donnés; et (b) des facteurs externes liés à la mauvaise conduction de la politique étrangère et du financement externe, dans ses relations avec les organisations internationales. De ce fait, l’objectif de cette thèse de doctorat a été comprendre la politique étrangère de la Guinée-Bissau, en tenant compte le processusde la formation de l’État national, en considérant les crises multidimensionnelles et le rôle de deux organisations internationales – la Communauté des Pays de la Langue Portugaise (CPLP) et la Communauté Économique des États de l’Áfrique de l’Ouest (CÉDÉAO) – dans ses lignes directrices de politiques publiques, en obsérvant le degré d’influence de ces organisations internationales et le progrès atteint, ou non, au début du XXIème siècle. Dans le cadre de cette étude, nous avons choisi la période de la postindepéndance pour être étudiée, dans laquelle nous avons délimité trois phases différentes pour analyser la politique étrangère de la Guinée-Bissau, deux organisations internationales et ses impacts dans la politique intérieure; sont-elles: (a) phase du parti unique (1973-1993) – dont le but principal a été examiner si la politique étrangère a impacté, ou non, dans la faisabilité de l’État-nation bissau-guinéen et au projet de coopération internationale et à l’aide extérieure; (b) phase découlant de transition politique, d’exécution de la démocratie et de la première eléction jusqu’au coup politique (1994-1998), réformes politiques, constitutionnelles, économiques et son impact dans la politique étrangère; et (c) phase d’instabilité politique, économique et social au pays, coups et contrecoups (1998-2014) qui ont causé des impacts directs ou indirects dans la politique étrangère de la Guinée-Bissau, en considérant la dispute et le conflit idéologique des organisations qui sont objets de cette étude (CPLP et CÉDÉAO) et qui font part de la même. / O estudo parte da premissa de análise da política externa guineense levando em conta o processo de formação do Estado na pós-independência a partir de suas fragilidades (dependência) e de suas potencialidades (autonomia) em relação ao sistema mundial. Assim, o estudo se insere no marco temporal de acúmulo histórico e institucional da Guiné-Bissau no sistema mundial contemporâneo (1973-2014). A nossa hipótese é que apolítica externa guineense pode ter resultado de dois fatores: (a) fatores internos associados à instabilidade política e ao péssimo gerenciamento de recursos doados; e (b) fatores externos relacionados à má condução da política externa e do financiamento externo, na sua relação com organismos internacionais. Com isso, o objetivo dessa tese de doutoramento foi compreender a política externa da Guiné-Bissau, levando em conta o processo de formação do Estado nacional, tendo em conta as crises multidimensionais e o papel de dois organismos internacionais- Comunidade dos Países de Língua Portuguesa (CPLP) e Comunidade Econômica dos Estados da África Ocidental (CEDEAO)- nas suas diretrizes de políticas públicas, levando em consideração o grau de influência destas organizações internacionais e o progresso ou não alcançado no início do século XXI. Neste estudo, o período pós-independência foi o estudado, no qual delimitamos três períodos distintos para analisar a política externa da Guiné-Bissau, dois organismos internacionais e os seus impactos na política interna; são eles: (a) período de partido único (1973 a 1993) - cujo objetivo principal foi analisar se a política externa teve ou não impacto na viabilização do Estado-Nação guineense e o projeto de cooperação internacional e ajuda externa;(b) período decorrente de transição política, implementação da democracia e primeira eleição até o golpe político (1994-1998), reformas políticas, constitucionais, econômicas e o seu impacto na política externa; e (c) período de instabilidade política, econômica e social no país, golpes e contragolpes (1998 a 2014) que causaram impactos diretos ou indiretos na política externa da Guiné-Bissau, levando em consideração a disputa e o conflito ideológico dos organismos objetos deste estudo (CPLP e CEDEAO) que da mesma fazem parte. / The study starts from the premise of analysis of the Guinean foreign policy, taking into account the process of formation of the State in the post-independence, through its weaknesses (dependence) and its potentialities (autonomy) regarding the world system. Thus, the present study is inserted in the time frame of historical and institutional accumulation of Guinea-Bissau in the contemporary world system (1973-2014). Our hypothesis is that the Guinean foreign policy can result of two factors: (a) internal factors associated to the political instability and to the terrible management of donated resources, and (b) external factors related to the bad conduction of foreign policy and of external financing, in its relationship with international organisations. Thereby, the aim of this doctoral thesis was to understand the foreign policy of Guinea-Bissau, considering the process of formation of the national State, taking into consideration the multidimensional crises and the role of two international organisations (CPLP and ECOWAS) in its guidelines of public policies, considering the degree of influence of such international organisations and the progress, or not, reached at the beginning of the XXI century. Therefore, in this study, the period of post-independence was studied, in which we will delimitate three different periods to analyse the foreign policy of Guinea-Bissau, two international organisations and its impact on domestic politics. They are: a) period of a single party (from 1973 to 1993) - whose main purpose is to analyse if the foreign policy had, or not, the impact into the viability of the Guinean nation state and the project of international cooperation and foreign aid, b) period due to political transition, implementation of democracy and first election until the political coup (1994-1998), political, constitutional and economic reforms and its impact on foreign policy, and c) period of political, economic and social instability in the country, coups and anti-coups (from 1998 to 2014) that caused direct or indirect impacts, in the foreign policy of Guinea-Bissau, considering the dispute and the ideological conflict of the organisations object of this study (CPLP and ECOWAS) that the same is part.

L’étude part de la prémisse de l’analyse de la politique étrangère bissau-guinéenne en considérant le processus de la formation de l’État dans la période de la postindépendance, travers de leurs faiblesses (la dépendance) et de leurs potentiels (l’autonomie) par rapport au système mondial. Ainsi, l’étude s’insère dans le cadre temporel d’accumulation historique et institutionel de la Guinée-Bissau dans le système mondial contemporain (1973-2014).Notre hypothèse est que la politique étrangère bissau-guinéenne peut avoir résulté de deux facteurs: (a) des facteurs internes associés à l’instabilité politique et à la mauvaise gestion des ressources donnés; et (b) des facteurs externes liés à la mauvaise conduction de la politique étrangère et du financement externe, dans ses relations avec les organisations internationales. De ce fait, l’objectif de cette thèse de doctorat a été comprendre la politique étrangère de la Guinée-Bissau, en tenant compte le processusde la formation de l’État national, en considérant les crises multidimensionnelles et le rôle de deux organisations internationales – la Communauté des Pays de la Langue Portugaise (CPLP) et la Communauté Économique des États de l’Áfrique de l’Ouest (CÉDÉAO) – dans ses lignes directrices de politiques publiques, en obsérvant le degré d’influence de ces organisations internationales et le progrès atteint, ou non, au début du XXIème siècle. Dans le cadre de cette étude, nous avons choisi la période de la postindepéndance pour être étudiée, dans laquelle nous avons délimité trois phases différentes pour analyser la politique étrangère de la Guinée-Bissau, deux organisations internationales et ses impacts dans la politique intérieure; sont-elles: (a) phase du parti unique (1973-1993) – dont le but principal a été examiner si la politique étrangère a impacté, ou non, dans la faisabilité de l’État-nation bissau-guinéen et au projet de coopération internationale et à l’aide extérieure; (b) phase découlant de transition politique, d’exécution de la démocratie et de la première eléction jusqu’au coup politique (1994-1998), réformes politiques, constitutionnelles, économiques et son impact dans la politique étrangère; et (c) phase d’instabilité politique, économique et social au pays, coups et contrecoups (1998-2014) qui ont causé des impacts directs ou indirects dans la politique étrangère de la Guinée-Bissau, en considérant la dispute et le conflit idéologique des organisations qui sont objets de cette étude (CPLP et CÉDÉAO) et qui font part de la même. / O estudo parte da premissa de análise da política externa guineense levando em conta o processo de formação do Estado na pós-independência a partir de suas fragilidades (dependência) e de suas potencialidades (autonomia) em relação ao sistema mundial. Assim, o estudo se insere no marco temporal de acúmulo histórico e institucional da Guiné-Bissau no sistema mundial contemporâneo (1973-2014). A nossa hipótese é que apolítica externa guineense pode ter resultado de dois fatores: (a) fatores internos associados à instabilidade política e ao péssimo gerenciamento de recursos doados; e (b) fatores externos relacionados à má condução da política externa e do financiamento externo, na sua relação com organismos internacionais. Com isso, o objetivo dessa tese de doutoramento foi compreender a política externa da Guiné-Bissau, levando em conta o processo de formação do Estado nacional, tendo em conta as crises multidimensionais e o papel de dois organismos internacionais- Comunidade dos Países de Língua Portuguesa (CPLP) e Comunidade Econômica dos Estados da África Ocidental (CEDEAO)- nas suas diretrizes de políticas públicas, levando em consideração o grau de influência destas organizações internacionais e o progresso ou não alcançado no início do século XXI. Neste estudo, o período pós-independência foi o estudado, no qual delimitamos três períodos distintos para analisar a política externa da Guiné-Bissau, dois organismos internacionais e os seus impactos na política interna; são eles: (a) período de partido único (1973 a 1993) - cujo objetivo principal foi analisar se a política externa teve ou não impacto na viabilização do Estado-Nação guineense e o projeto de cooperação internacional e ajuda externa;(b) período decorrente de transição política, implementação da democracia e primeira eleição até o golpe político (1994-1998), reformas políticas, constitucionais, econômicas e o seu impacto na política externa; e (c) período de instabilidade política, econômica e social no país, golpes e contragolpes (1998 a 2014) que causaram impactos diretos ou indiretos na política externa da Guiné-Bissau, levando em consideração a disputa e o conflito ideológico dos organismos objetos deste estudo (CPLP e CEDEAO) que da mesma fazem parte. / The study starts from the premise of analysis of the Guinean foreign policy, taking into account the process of formation of the State in the post-independence, through its weaknesses (dependence) and its potentialities (autonomy) regarding the world system. Thus, the present study is inserted in the time frame of historical and institutional accumulation of Guinea-Bissau in the contemporary world system (1973-2014). Our hypothesis is that the Guinean foreign policy can result of two factors: (a) internal factors associated to the political instability and to the terrible management of donated resources, and (b) external factors related to the bad conduction of foreign policy and of external financing, in its relationship with international organisations. Thereby, the aim of this doctoral thesis was to understand the foreign policy of Guinea-Bissau, considering the process of formation of the national State, taking into consideration the multidimensional crises and the role of two international organisations (CPLP and ECOWAS) in its guidelines of public policies, considering the degree of influence of such international organisations and the progress, or not, reached at the beginning of the XXI century. Therefore, in this study, the period of post-independence was studied, in which we will delimitate three different periods to analyse the foreign policy of Guinea-Bissau, two international organisations and its impact on domestic politics. They are: a) period of a single party (from 1973 to 1993) - whose main purpose is to analyse if the foreign policy had, or not, the impact into the viability of the Guinean nation state and the project of international cooperation and foreign aid, b) period due to political transition, implementation of democracy and first election until the political coup (1994-1998), political, constitutional and economic reforms and its impact on foreign policy, and c) period of political, economic and social instability in the country, coups and anti-coups (from 1998 to 2014) that caused direct or indirect impacts, in the foreign policy of Guinea-Bissau, considering the dispute and the ideological conflict of the organisations object of this study (CPLP and ECOWAS) that the same is part.