"June 2002" / Bibliography: leaves 229-270. / ix, 270 leaves ; 30 cm. / Title page, contents and abstract only. The complete thesis in print form is available from the University Library. / This thesis examines the changes in diplomacy of China, the West, Tibet and India from 1911 to 1951, while Tibet functioned as an independent country, and during 1951 to 1959 while under Chinese control. Tibet maintained its own currency, government, armed forces and way of life until 1959. The thesis also examines the cultural shifts in the political, social and military spheres in these countries. It assumes that the general world trend in political life has been towards increasingly intolerant and extreme politics. If Tibet remains part of China with little chance of resuming independence, it is because the Chinese government and people were quicker to adopt radical Western philosophies than the Tibetans were. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Adelaide, Dept. of History, 2002

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This thesis examines how sovereign lending, i.e. the practice of lending capital to sovereigns, has changed since the early nineteenth century. It tackles this question by investigating how lenders have thought about sovereigns for the past two centuries, focusing on the tools they have used to know and represent them. I argue that there was a critical shift in the early twentieth century in terms of the kinds of knowledge lenders deployed to know sovereigns. This shift differentiates the old sovereign lending from the new. In the old sovereign lending, merchant banking families such as the Rothschilds knew sovereigns through intensely personal relations based on gentility, whereas in the new sovereign lending, joint stock banks, credit rating agencies and international institutions largely came to know sovereigns through statistics. Though difficult to imagine nowadays, the description of sovereigns through quantifiable facts (the original definition of 'statistics') was revolutionary for early twentieth century lenders. Despite constituting the origins of sovereign credit ratings, this key shift has been overlooked in all major studies about sovereign debt. The new sovereign lending rose to prominence from the interwar period to the 1970s and now defines our world. The identification of this crucial shift is based on the development and application of the concept of forms of knowledge. Forms of knowledge refer to enduring ways of knowing and representing the constituent units of the international system used by international practitioners (e.g. diplomats, military strategists, financiers, and international lawyers). Examples of forms of knowledge include, but are not limited to, modern cartography, international treaties, statistics, gentility, and heraldry. The use of this concept is that it leads to a better understanding of how international practitioners and their practices undergo radical changes. In so doing, it provides a firmer empirical grasp on the question of how fundamental discontinuities arise in international relations.

"June 2002" Bibliography: leaves 229-270. This thesis examines the changes in diplomacy of China, the West, Tibet and India from 1911 to 1951, while Tibet functioned as an independent country, and during 1951 to 1959 while under Chinese control. Tibet maintained its own currency, government, armed forces and way of life until 1959. The thesis also examines the cultural shifts in the political, social and military spheres in these countries. It assumes that the general world trend in political life has been towards increasingly intolerant and extreme politics. If Tibet remains part of China with little chance of resuming independence, it is because the Chinese government and people were quicker to adopt radical Western philosophies than the Tibetans were.

Diss. Uppsala : Uppsala universitet, 2008.

M.Litt et Phil. / In die post-Koue Oorlogse internasionale politiek is daar state wat, veral in die Weste, as verstotelinge gebrandmerk word. Dit is state soos Irak, Iran, Libie en Noord-Korea. Dit is geen nuwe verskynsel in die internasionale politiek dat sommige state deur ander verstoot of geIsoleer word nie. Bolsjewistiese Rusland is 'n goeie voorbeeld van 'n staat wat voor die Koue Oorlog geIsoleer is. Rhodesia (ne sy eensydige onafhanklikheidsverklaring in November 1965), Suid-Afrika (tydens apartheid), Israel, Taiwan en Chili is maar 'n paar voorbeelde uit die Koue Oorlogera. GeIsoleerde state is egter nog nie dikwels bestudeer nie. Studies wat wel daaroor gedoen is, het op die sogenaamde paria- state van die Koue Oorlog gefokus. In hierdie studie sal die klem op die verstotelingstate van die post-Koue Oorlogse internasionale politiek geplaas word. In Oktober 1995 het die Verenigde Nasies (VN) sy vyftigste bestaansjaar gevier. President Bill Clinton het 'n onthaal in New York gehou om die geleentheid to herdenk en het at die VN-lidstate, behalwe agt, uitgenooi. Die wat nie uitgenooi was In die post-Koue Oorlogse internasionale politiek is daar state wat, veral in die Weste, as verstotelinge gebrandmerk word. Dit is state soos Irak, Iran, Libie en Noord-Korea. Dit is geen nuwe verskynsel in die internasionale politiek dat sommige state deur ander verstoot of geIsoleer word nie. Bolsjewistiese Rusland is 'n goeie voorbeeld van 'n staat wat voor die Koue Oorlog geIsoleer is. Rhodesia (ne sy eensydige onafhanklikheidsverklaring in November 1965), Suid-Afrika (tydens apartheid), Israel, Taiwan en Chili is maar 'n paar voorbeelde uit die Koue Oorlogera. GeIsoleerde state is egter nog nie dikwels bestudeer nie. Studies wat wel daaroor gedoen is, het op die sogenaamde paria- state van die Koue Oorlog gefokus. In hierdie studie sal die klem op die verstotelingstate van die post-Koue Oorlogse In die post-Koue Oorlogse internasionale politiek is daar state wat, veral in die Weste, as verstotelinge gebrandmerk word. Dit is state soos Irak, Iran, Libie en Noord-Korea. Dit is geen nuwe verskynsel in die internasionale politiek dat sommige state deur ander verstoot of geIsoleer word nie. Bolsjewistiese Rusland is 'n goeie voorbeeld van 'n staat wat voor die Koue Oorlog geIsoleer is. Rhodesia (ne sy eensydige onafhanklikheidsverklaring in November 1965), Suid-Afrika (tydens apartheid), Israel, Taiwan en Chili is maar 'n paar voorbeelde uit die Koue Oorlogera. GeIsoleerde state is egter nog nie dikwels bestudeer nie. Studies wat wel daaroor gedoen is, het op die sogenaamde paria- state van die Koue Oorlog gefokus. In hierdie studie sal die klem op die verstotelingstate van die post-Koue Oorlogse internasionale politiek geplaas word. In Oktober 1995 het die Verenigde Nasies (VN) sy vyftigste bestaansjaar gevier. President Bill Clinton het 'n onthaal in New York gehou om die geleentheid to herdenk en het at die VN-lidstate, behalwe agt, uitgenooi. Die wat nie uitgenooi was nie, was Birma, Kuba, Iran, Irak, Libie, Noord-Korea, Soedan en Somalie. Somalie is nie uitgenooi nie omdat by nie 'n regering gehad het nie. Die ander sewe word deur Washington as verstotelingstate beskou. Twee interessante weglatings van die "swartlys" was Nigerie en die Federale Republiek van Joego-Slawie, wat In die post-Koue Oorlogse internasionale politiek is daar state wat, veral in die Weste, as verstotelinge gebrandmerk word. Dit is state soos Irak, Iran, Libie en Noord-Korea. Dit is geen nuwe verskynsel in die internasionale politiek dat sommige state deur ander verstoot of geIsoleer word nie. Bolsjewistiese Rusland is 'n goeie voorbeeld van 'n staat wat voor die Koue Oorlog geIsoleer is. Rhodesia (ne sy eensydige onafhanklikheidsverklaring in November 1965), Suid-Afrika (tydens apartheid), Israel, Taiwan en Chili is maar 'n paar voorbeelde uit die Koue Oorlogera. GeIsoleerde state is egter nog nie dikwels bestudeer nie. Studies wat wel daaroor gedoen is, het op die sogenaamde paria- state van die Koue Oorlog gefokus. In hierdie studie sal die klem op die verstotelingstate van die post-Koue Oorlogse internasionale politiek geplaas word. In Oktober 1995 het die Verenigde Nasies (VN) sy vyftigste bestaansjaar gevier. President Bill Clinton het 'n onthaal in New York gehou om die geleentheid to herdenk en het at die VN-lidstate, behalwe agt, uitgenooi. Die wat nie uitgenooi was nie, was Birma, Kuba, Iran, Irak, Libie, Noord-Korea, Soedan en Somalie. Somalie is nie uitgenooi nie omdat by nie 'n regering gehad het nie. Die ander sewe word deur Washington as verstotelingstate beskou. Twee interessante weglatings van die "swartlys" was Nigerie en die Federale Republiek van Joego-Slawie, wat normaalweg ook deur die Verenigde State van Amerika (VSA) as verstotelinge beskou word (Geldenhuys, 1997:15). Vir die doel van hierdie studie word hierdie nege beskou as die post-Koue Oorlogse verstotelingstate. Die meeste van hulle word nie slegs deur die VSA as verstotelinge behandel nie, maar deur verskeie ander state, en in sommige gevalle selfs deur die internasionale gemeenskap in die bree.

Although International Relations scholars make frequent reference to the Middle Ages, most of our ideas about the period are not based on extensive empirical studies. Instead, they rely on a common imaginary of Medieval Europe as an unspecified and idealised system of overlapping authority and multiple loyalties. This thesis recovers a historical understanding of the late-medieval international order by focusing on the fundamental conceptions of the organization of the social held by medieval international practitioners. In particular, it examines a specific community of practice: lawyers of the ius commune from the twelfth to the fourteenth centuries. In doing so, this thesis makes three contributions to the IR literature. From a theoretical point of view, it adds to both English School and constructivist studies of historical international order by focusing on the process of differentiation through representation, as well as on contestation within it. In doing so, it argues for a move from a static understanding of order to the more dynamic notion of ordering. Secondly, it contributes methodologically to the historical study of ideas by proposing a methodological emphasis on communities of practitioners as a middle-ground between abstract constructivism and narrow Skinnerian analysis that facilitates the historically grounded consideration of the ordering role of language and ideas. Finally, empirically, this thesis demonstrates the analytical leverage gained from these theoretical moves by providing a detailed account of the international order from the twelfth to the fourteenth centuries, focusing not only on stability, but also on the contentious process of ordering. As a result, this thesis provides a new understanding of late-medieval notions of political authority, community, polity, and identity, while simultaneously highlighting the politics of representation behind them.

The present dissertation offers a critical examination of the place accorded to Latin American states in the English School account of the expansion of international society. It pursues two aims. First, the study contributes to understanding the nature and scope of international order, and its historical transformation over the course of the 'long nineteenth century'. Because of the profound impact that European colonization had on the region, the English School has conventionally treated the entry of Latin American states into international society as an unproblematic historical fact achieved with diplomatic recognition in the 1820s. The crucial cases of Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico, however, indicate that more attention needs to the paid to the hierarchical nature of the international order. The central argument of this historical-comparative study posits that the three Latin American states were recognized diplomatically, but they were not regarded as fully-fledged members of the community of 'civilized' states. Second, the dissertation examines the implications of hierarchy in international politics. Building on a critique of the legal-formalist conception of 'standing' in English School theorizing, three ideal-typical dimensions of international stratification are identified: the distribution of material capabilities (stature), the function states perform in international society (role), and estimations of honour and prestige (status) among states. The interpretative framework sheds light on how agents understand international society, and the way in which they deal with its hierarchical nature. The study analyzes how Latin American elites perceived the standing of their state, and how these perceptions shaped politics through their corresponding 'logics of social action'. The study finds that nineteenth-century elites in Argentina, Mexico, and Brazil conceived of the standing of their states predominantly in terms of status, and demonstrates how these perceptions informed politics.

O objetivo do trabalho é analisar o processo de aproximação diplomática empreendido pelos governos do Brasil e da Venezuela entre os anos de 1983 e 1998. Esse período foi marcado por forte crise econômica na América Latina, decorrente da elevação dos juros da dívida externa e da interrupção dos fluxos de financiamento. A situação de crise provocou reconfiguração de políticas econômicas e estruturas políticas nos dois países: os contextos similares permitiram o estreitamento de relações entre eles, mesmo a despeito das turbulências da crise. Procuraremos mostrar como se desenvolveram essas relações de natureza política e econômica, e suas relações com as estruturas de poder no sistema internacional. / The object of the present dissertation is to analyze the process of diplomatic approximation undertaken by the governments of Brazil and Venezuela between the years of 1983 and 1998. This period was marked by the profound economic crisis in Latin America, due to the rise of the interest rates of the external debt and the interruption of the finance flows. The critical situation led to the reconfiguration of economic politics and political structures in both countries: the similar contexts allowed the development of closer relations between them, in spite of the disturbances of the crisis. We seek to demonstrate how these relations of political and economic nature developed, and their relations with the power structures of the international system.

O objetivo do trabalho é analisar o processo de aproximação diplomática empreendido pelos governos do Brasil e da Venezuela entre os anos de 1983 e 1998. Esse período foi marcado por forte crise econômica na América Latina, decorrente da elevação dos juros da dívida externa e da interrupção dos fluxos de financiamento. A situação de crise provocou reconfiguração de políticas econômicas e estruturas políticas nos dois países: os contextos similares permitiram o estreitamento de relações entre eles, mesmo a despeito das turbulências da crise. Procuraremos mostrar como se desenvolveram essas relações de natureza política e econômica, e suas relações com as estruturas de poder no sistema internacional. / The object of the present dissertation is to analyze the process of diplomatic approximation undertaken by the governments of Brazil and Venezuela between the years of 1983 and 1998. This period was marked by the profound economic crisis in Latin America, due to the rise of the interest rates of the external debt and the interruption of the finance flows. The critical situation led to the reconfiguration of economic politics and political structures in both countries: the similar contexts allowed the development of closer relations between them, in spite of the disturbances of the crisis. We seek to demonstrate how these relations of political and economic nature developed, and their relations with the power structures of the international system.