Cette recherche est envisagée pour observer la place de l’Islam confrérique dans la sphère publique et dans la vie politique, économique et sociale au Sénégal, avec un accent particulier sur la notion de sécurité humaine. Notre ambition est d’intégrer une réflexion la plus large possible sur les différentes situations contrastées que connaît l’Islam confrérique dans ce pays de 12 millions d’habitants avec plus de 90% de musulmans. L’accent consiste à interroger ce qu’on a appelé « l’exceptionnalisme sénégalais » avec une tradition démocratique relativement ancienne et solide. Cette étude a comme objet général d’explorer la sécurité que posent l’organisation et le fonctionnement des confréries religieuses sénégalaises. Elle s’appuie sur la mise en comparaison des deux principales confréries – Mouride et Tidjane – qui sont d’obédience sunnite. Elle intègre un angle d’approche tenant compte de la diversité et de la particularité des contextes socioculturels, politiques, économiques et religieux dans l’ordre international marqué par des menaces incessantes sur la sécurité. Cette mise en perspective de dynamiques culturelles singulières favorise la compréhension de logiques comportementales attribuant du sens à des démarches de sécurité des « fidèles » auprès des Marabouts et des confréries. Il s’agit aussi d’évaluer les nouvelles manifestations religieuses et leurs conséquences en termes individuels et collectifs sur la République, la démocratie, la laïcité et la sécurité de la nation sénégalaise. / This research is intended to observe the place of brotherhood of Islam in the public sphere and the political, economic and social Senegal, with particular emphasis on the concept of human security. Our goal is to integrate thinking about the broadest possible contrasting the different situations facing brotherhood of Islam in this country of 12 million people with over 90% Muslim. The focus is to examine the so-called "Senegalese exceptionalism" with a relatively old democratic tradition and strong. This study explored as general purpose security posed by the organization and functioning of religious brotherhoods in Senegal. It relies on setting comparison of the two major guilds - and Mouride Tidjane - who are Sunni. It includes an angle of approach taking into account the diversity and unique socio-cultural contexts, political, economic and religious in the international order marked by constant threats to security. This perspective of cultural dynamics unique promotes understanding of behavioral logic of assigning meaning to approaches to security "faithful" to the Marabouts and fraternities. It is also evaluating new religious events and their consequences for individuals and groups on the Republic, democracy, secularism and security of the Senegalese nation.

Esta tese pretende analisar a emergência da União Europeia (UE) como ator político relevante das relações internacionais. Para isso, avaliou-se a influência do Tratado de Lisboa na supranacionalidade da Política Externa e de Segurança Comum (PESC) da UE. No trabalho, procurou-se apresentar as teorias das relações internacionais, concentrando-se na perspectiva institucionalista para a análise da PESC. A partir daí, discute-se o conceito de supranacionalidade, para então identificar seus elementos característicos nas organizações internacionais, como a composição dos órgãos, o processo decisório, o ordenamento jurídico e a personalidade. Estudou-se também a evolução da Europa como entidade influente na política mundial, desde o Concerto Europeu, passando pela Comunidade Europeia (CE) e Cooperação Política Europeia (CPE) até as discussões que levaram à criação da UE e da PESC pelo Tratado de Maastricht, para depois examinar suas características e evoluções nos Tratados de Amsterdã e Nice. Por fim, o Tratado de Lisboa é analisado, verificando-se a hipótese do aumento no grau de supranacionalidade que ele trouxe à PESC. Assim, o trabalho relaciona os avanços do Tratado de Lisboa com as previsões feitas pelos teóricos institucionalistas, avaliando a validade de seus argumentos e tecendo cenários futuros com o auxílio da teoria, especialmente em relação à coesão da política externa européia. / This thesis aims to analyze the emergence of the European Union (EU) as a relevant political actor in international relations. For this, we evaluated the influence of the Lisbon Treaty in the supranationality of Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). At this paper, we tried to present the theories of international relations, focusing on the institutionalist perspective to analyze the CFSP. Thereafter, we discuss the concept of supranationalism, and then identify its characteristic features in international organizations such as the composition of the bodies, decision-making, juridical order and the legal personality. It was also studied the evolution of Europe as an influential entity in world politics since the European Concert, passing by the European Community (EC) and the European Political Cooperation (EPC) to the discussions that led to the creation of the EU and the CFSP in the Maastricht Treaty, and then examined their characteristics and developments in the Treaties of Amsterdam and Nice. Finally, the Lisbon Treaty is analyzed, verifying the hypothesis of an increased degree of supranationalism that it brought to the CFSP. Thus, the research relates the progress of the Lisbon Treaty with the theoretical predictions made by institutionalists, assessing the validity of their arguments and weaving future scenarios with the aid of the theory, especially in relation to the cohesion of European foreign policy.

This essay addresses the issue of how the Syrian civil war has impacted Turkey’s state and human security. The study aimed to provide an enhanced understanding of how the Syrian war has impacted Turkey’s security, within the timeframe of 2011-2019. The method that was applied to this study was a single case study where theories of state and human security were used to analyze the Syrian war’s impact on Turkey’s security. The results showed that the advancement of Kurdish forces as well as the Islamic state’s territorial expansion posed a threat towards the Turkish state’s territorial integrity and sovereignty. The war also impacted the authoritarian turn of the Turkish government, which generated in a coup attempt causing additional internal disability and threat towards the state’s security. In terms of Turkey’s human security, increased terrorism within the state as a cause of the Syrian war has impacted the physical security of the people. Moreover, health concerns arose due to the vast number of Syrian refugees in Turkey and posed a threat to the Turkish population. The refugee influx also changed the ethnic balance in some areas showing indications of ethnic tensions to foster, threatening the population. One can conclude that the Syrian war has impacted Turkey’s state security, through direct military threats regarding the rise and expansion the of PKK-YPG and ISIS. In terms of Turkey’s human security one can conclude that increasing terrorism and the vast number of refugees residing in the state caused by the Syrian war has impacted the safety and security of the Turkish people.

We live in a world driven by fast technologies. The same technologies that make information more accessible have created a dilemma by which the same conduits have also enabled access to mass amounts of counter-factual information. It is the assertion of this thesis project that counter- factual information poses a growing risk to the security and stability in liberal democratic societies and warrants a proportional response. The body of work which follows will explore what I have characterized as an information crisis. The information crisis, so presented, is a multi-faceted issue. It's constituent causes and outcomes concern both scholars of security studies and sociology. To address breadth of scope and immediacy of the crisis, the conceptual framework purposed in this project offers an interface between actor-network theory and security studies (ANT-security interface). Actor-network theory is a material-semiotic approach that preferences engagement with human and technological actants as an assemblage. Or, in other words, a network of relationships. The first chapter will introduce the dimensions of the information crisis, providing relevant examples of how counter-factual information embodies a human, and societal security issue. It will delineate important concepts such as misinformation, and...

logiky vhodnosti. Abstract Presented diploma thesis aims to answer a question whether the European Union can be perceived as a relevant actor of international security relations in the context of human rights protection and international security threat regulation. For the purpose of achieving the main goal of the thesis a definition of the EU actorness is used which presumes that the EU could be perceived as an actor of a policy provided it is being perceived as an actor acknowledged by other actors of international security and is able to influence their behavior at the same time. Both are proved by analysis of the antiterrorist sanction régimes, and more specifically a related the Court of Justice case Kadi. By means of the case, the EU pushed for institutional changes within the UN Security Council strengthening human rights protection. Within the EU, regarding the Member States, the EU can be perceived as actor if it succeeds in spread its own normative patterns among them. By the analysis of the Kadi case as well as of the Court's human rights doctrine development I try to prove that an EU institution (in this case the Court of Justice) succeeds in convincing the Member States that they should support the Court of Justice doctrine even though it might diminish their own power and influence. Normative...

Since 2014, the international community has been discussing how to deal with the emergence of increasingly autonomous weapons systems under the auspices of the United Nations Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons. This case study examines the behavior of those nation-states that oppose a preventive ban on lethal autonomous weapons systems in this forum. In this regard, the concept of antipreneurship is applied to the analysis of the international meetings in order to explore the resistance patterns with which antipreneurs reject the need for normative change. Analyzing the content of related documents shows that antipreneurs block formal negotiations on a ban and deem legal weapons reviews to be a sufficient regulatory instrument. Beyond that, the antipreneurs also attempt to create a beneficial image of the relationship between artificial intelligence and international humanitarian law. This behavior contributes to force norm entrepreneurs increasingly into a defensive position and sustainably undermines their entrepreneurial demand for a preventive ban. Besides, the analysis distinguishes the resistance of antipreneurs from ambivalent behavior that cannot be clearly linked neither to the behavior of entrepreneurs nor to that of antipreneurs.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Sloan School of Management, Technology, Management, and Policy Program, February 1999. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 539-544). / According to the Packard Commission, "Unreasonably long acquisition cycles -- ten to fifteen years for major weapon systems is a central problem from which most other acquisition Problems stem." Since the commission issued its report in 1986, the time required to develop new military systems has only grown. This research and its recommendations are intended to identify and eliminate the causes of those long development times for military systems. This report addresses a key factor in determining the development time for military projects: the project's initial schedule. Part 1 outlines the current situation, previous efforts to reduce development time, and experiences with cutting development time in the commercial sector. It also documents the military product development process. Part 2 identifies a key area--the schedule development process, and its impact on development time--for in-depth research. Through understanding what is driving the initial project schedule and the impact of the initial project schedule on the eventual development time, the author identifies key drivers of development time. Part 3 presents the results of three surveys and analyzes the processes used to develop a project's initial schedule, the process used to develop a contracted schedule, and the impact of these schedules on actual development time. Part 4 presents observations, draws conclusions, and makes specific recommendations for remedial action. The key barriers to reducing development time for military systems are the lack of importance placed on project schedules; the lack of effective schedule-based information and tools; the lack of schedule-based incentives; and the overriding impact of the funding-based limitations on defense projects. The steps necessary to establish a focus on reducing development time are: 1) recognizing the impact of development time, 2) providing the necessary information for decision makers, 3) providing proper incentives at each organizational level, and finally providing a structure to effectively managce the set of all development projects to ensure that each project can be funded based on its development related requirements. Implementing the recommendations and focusing on reducing development time will force other changes in the acquisition process. The focus on reducing the time to develop and field systems will drive the acquisition system to better meet the needs of our warfighters, more rapidly, and at lower cost. Better, Faster, and Cheaper. Even more importantly, shortening development times is critical to develop and produce with limited resources, the right weapons at the right time to deter or to defeat any potential enemy at any time with the minimum cost to our warfighters. / by Ross McNutt. / Ph.D.

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Outrages committed during violent conflict and as part of the 'war on terror' are not only an affront to human dignity -- they also violate the Geneva Conventions. This book examines recent high-profile cases of repeated and open abuse of the Conventions. The contributors explore why these and related violations of international humanitarian law cannot be viewed as anomalies, but must be regarded as part of a pattern which is set to undermine the Geneva Conventions as a whole. The contributors argue that an international system in which there is diminishing legal restraint on the use of force means that the world will become less secure and more volatile, even for those in the most powerful countries. Individuals everywhere face the prospect of a horrifying vulnerability. This is the first scholarly yet accessible work to consider the meanings of outrages such as the normalisation of torture, as well as the worrying new normative, technical and tactical developments that challenge the purpose and standing of the Geneva Conventions.