Palestinian poetry over the past one hundred years has been foremost a poetry of commitment. It is proposed in this thesis that the poetry of the Palestinian Uprising (Intifada), the major topic under discussion in this work, marks, what could possibly be, the culmination of Palestinian resistance literature. The poetry which has been chosen for this particular study comes from a collection which the author gathered, and subsequently translated, during the first six months of the Palestinian Uprising. All of the poetry included appeared in publications published in either Israel or in the Israeli-occupied territories during this period. Chapter one discusses the background behind the Intifada. The second chapter gives a brief history of Palestinian poetry in general. The main body of the paper, chapter three, includes a translation and analysis of the Intifada poetry. Finally, chapter four discusses some of the imagery and symbolism contained in the poetry.

In the midst of the chaos and violence of civil-ethnic conflict, there is often little attention paid to the economic consequences which endure long past the moment of crisis. In conflicts that end in situations of prolonged occupation of one national group over another, complex and enduring dependencies develop between occupier and occupied. Since the 1967 Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza Strip, the Palestinian economy has grown highly dependent upon the Israeli economy and has developed within the confines of Israeli military power. When the second Palestinian Intifada broke out in September 2000, the Palestinian economy suffered further. This paper discusses the Palestinian economy through the framework of dependency theory and world-systems analysis. Both theories are used to explain the complex relationship between Israel and the Palestinians and the relationship of dependence that has been perpetuated by Israel since the signing of the Oslo Agreement in 1993.

In the midst of the chaos and violence of civil-ethnic conflict, there is often little attention paid to the economic consequences which endure long past the moment of crisis. In conflicts that end in situations of prolonged occupation of one national group over another, complex and enduring dependencies develop between occupier and occupied. Since the 1967 Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza Strip, the Palestinian economy has grown highly dependent upon the Israeli economy and has developed within the confines of Israeli military power. When the second Palestinian Intifada broke out in September 2000, the Palestinian economy suffered further. This paper discusses the Palestinian economy through the framework of dependency theory and world-systems analysis. Both theories are used to explain the complex relationship between Israel and the Palestinians and the relationship of dependence that has been perpetuated by Israel since the signing of the Oslo Agreement in 1993.

Dans les études des conflits, quel qu'ils soient, les femmes ont indubitablement la place de victimes vulnérables qui doivent être protégées. Considérant que les bibliothèques regorgent d'études sur le conflit Israël-Palestine, combien s'intéressent aux rôles joués par les femmes? Pourtant, les Palestiniennes sont présentes dans cette équation toujours sans solution. Certes victimes au même titre que toutes personnes qui vivent sous occupation et/ou au sein d'un conflit, elles participent de différentes manières à la lutte mais aussi à la vie dans leur société. En particulier, leur engagement lors de la première Intifada est grandement remarqué tout comme leur faible présence lors de la seconde. Notre recherche prend racine dans ce contexte. Elle illustre notre intérêt concernant le changement dans la participation des Palestiniennes entre les deux Intifadas - de 1987 à 2000. En empruntant la logique proposée par les féministes matérialistes/socialistes/marxistes, nous tentons de comprendre dans quelle mesure l'étude des facteurs socioculturels, économiques et politico-militaires permet d'expliquer ce changement. À travers les concepts de « genre », de « reproduction sociale » et de « patriarcat » nous avons montré que ces trois facteurs (1) sont intrinsèquement liés et (2) influencent considérablement la place qu'occupent les femmes dans la société et l'économie palestinienne ainsi qu'au sein du conflit Israélo-palestinien. Ce résultat confirme que la prise en compte des facteurs socioculturels, économiques et politico-militaires permet d'apporter une explication pertinente au changement dans l'engagement des Palestiniennes entre les deux Intifadas. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Femmes palestiniennes, conflit israélo-palestinien, fondamentalisme islamiste, relations de genre, reproduction sociale, conservatisme social, patriarcat, lutte nationale, féminisme

Th.--Faculté de psychologie et des sciences de l'éducation--Louvain-la-Neuve, Belgique--Université catholique. / Trois chapitres en français, deux en anglais, et en annexe la version arabe des questionnaires utilisés. Bibliogr. p. 217-237.

The central question this thesis poses is how and why the modes of Palestinian political activism have changed from the first to the second intifada. The thesis will explore the underlying major political, territorial and social developments that created a new environment for the second uprising that was no longer conducive to the mass protests and acts of civil disobedience, which had dominated the first intifada in the late 1980s. The decline of civil society, the reassertion of Palestinian political factionalism and the unique geographical dislocation of the Palestinian territories, which created new physical obstacles to resistance but also caused division within society, were the key factors in reshaping the context of the second intifada. In addition, rising support for violent resistance among the population was rooted in the sense of hopelessness and frustration that re-emerged over the Oslo period. Much of the population’s frustration was directed at Israel’s colonial regime but in part it was also a response to the rule of the Palestinian Authority, which had failed to fulfil its commitments to its own population in view of its obligations under Oslo toward Israel. In the absence of alternative non-violent outlets within either politics or civil society, what took root instead was individual activism via militant organisations. As such, this thesis offers an account of the development of Palestinian political action (and in particular political violence) that is indebted to an effort to employ historical and contextual analysis in ways that deepen the insights available from explanations of behaviour drawn from political science.

Over the years, the Second Intifada has been consigned to paragraphs within history books and the significance has been forgotten by many. While this may be due to the scarcity of sources that are out there, the history of the Second Intifada cannot be ignored. Like previous conflicts in the past between Palestinians and Israelis, the Second Intifada had a monstrous toll on the way of life for both Palestinians and Israelis. The following thesis will examine the Second Intifada and how it affected the economy, the politics, and the social life of Palestinians living in Ramallah, the de facto capital for Palestinians living in the occupied West Bank.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Michigan State University. Dept. of, 2003. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 166-175). Also available on the Internet.

Generations of war. William S. Lind and Thomas X. Hammes are two advocates of fourth generation warfare. Fourth generation warfare combatants uses all available tools to reach their goals. Different to today’s warfare fourth generation warfare has no distinct battlefield. Instead the society is the place om battle.   In this essay the author will provide a broader definition of fourth generation warfare that originates from Lind´s and Hammes´. The main issue of this essay is; if there is a change of paradigm in warfare. To answer this question the broader definition of fourth generation warfare and William S. Lind´s theory on maneuver warfare will be tested. The method of this studies is a theory testing case study with most similar design. The theories are tested on two cases, more exactly the Israeli actions during both Palestinian Intifadas.   The theories are decomposed into three indicators per theory, the indicators are the tested in the cases.   The result shows that the authors broader definition in not in accordance with the cases. Thereby the result shows that there has not been a change of paradigm in warfare.

The imbroglio of Jerusalem is arguably at the center of the Arab-Israeli conflict and presents an impasse to establishing peace. Its capacity to evoke powerful emotions is the key to understanding the connection between politics and sacred.1 The intent of this work is to closely examine the connection between politics and holy space by analyzing how Hamas' use of Jerusalem's sanctity and space for its symbolic value during the first Intifaḍa (1987--1993) contributed to simultaneously fueling the Intifaḍa and creating the potential to thwart peace in a number of ways: by portraying the Palestinian-Israeli conflict as a continuation of the conflict between the Muslim and Jewish communities in seventh century Arabia; justifying the Muslim Palestinian claim that Israel is an illegitimate entity on Islamic land; rejecting any form of negotiation or peace process as un-Islamic; mobilizing the masses; justifying armed struggle for Jerusalem in the form of jihad; gaining political influence; and presenting an alternative to the national-secular agenda of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). / 1Roger Friedland and Richard D. Hecht, "The Politics of Sacred Spaces: Jerusalem's Temple Mount/al-haram al-sharif" in Sacred Places and Profane Spaces: Essays in the Geographics of Judaism, Christianity, and Islam, ed. Jamie Scott and Paul Simpson-Housley (New York: Greenwood Press, 1991): 23.