Depuis les attentats du 11 septembre 2001, le galvaudage intensif du concept d’« islamisme » par les sphères médiatiques et politiques a eu pour effet de catégoriser de manière simpliste et illusoire des phénomènes sociaux très différents de par le monde, dans le registre du terrorisme. Dans ce contexte, le Hezbollah libanais -pourtant chiite et farouchement opposé à Al-Qaïda- a acquis un statut particulier dans la mesure où le Secrétariat d’Etat américain l’a désigné comme la principale menace terroriste dès 2002. Nous proposons ici une recherche casuistique sur le « Parti de Dieu ». Etude longitudinale retraçant l’évolution de ce mouvement milicien devenu parti politique, notre travail vise à mieux cerner ce « fait social » et à situer celui-ci au sein du vaste spectre des islams politiques. Nous synthétisons ici les phases de maturation idéologique que celui-ci a connues depuis son émergence et retraçons l’évolution structurelle de ce parti politique avant tout caractérisé par son projet de « société résistante ». Chacun de ces deux volets (idéologique et structurel) laisse entrevoir les interactions bilatérales qui se sont créées, dans la diachronie, entre le religieux et le politique au sein du Hezbollah, mais illustre surtout la soumission polymorphe de l’un comme de l’autre à la cause inébranlable de la résistance face à Israël. L’élément fondamentalement nouveau que nous apportons à la littérature scientifique spécialisée est une grille d’interprétation du cheminement global d’une grande partie de la communauté chiite du Liban. Celle-ci a pour point de départ le concept -initialement psychologique- de « résilience », et propose la transposition de ce dernier dans le champ sociopolitique. L’analyse qui en découle met en perspective l’« idéologie résiliente » et la « structure résiliente » que le Hezbollah a progressivement développées dans une optique stratégique. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Arabic text / الحمدُ لله الذي أكْرَمَنَا بِنُورالعلمِ المُبَدِّدِ للظُلمات, وعصَمَنا به من الأهواءِ المُرْدِية والآراءِ المُضلة رافع الإصْرَ عنَّا, جاء بالدين الوَسَطِ وحَذَّرَ من الوَكْسِ والشَطَطِ وبعدُ : فإنَّ أحقَ العلومِ بالتَّسْطِيرِ وأنفَسهَا عند الجَمْعِ والتَّحْبِيرِ , تِبْيَان وجهِ الحقِّ فيما تتعَاورهُ الأفهام بالجهلِ تار ة , وتار ة بما عرض لها من الأَوْهَامِ , ومن المهم تَجْديد وتَرْسِيخِ المفاهيم السياسية في ضوء نظام الشريعة الإسلامية, مِفْتَاح الهداية ونَهْجِ السعادة, بل وتصحيحها مما اعْتَراهَا من التشويه والزَّيفِ إذ ذاك من أفضل النوافل وأعظمها نفعا وعائدة, وأوفرها خيرا وفائدة. واعلم أن الناس أصنافٌ مختلفون وأطوارٌ مُتباينون يتقاطعون بالإيثار تابعا ومتبوعا ويتساعدون على أعمالهم آمِرا ومَأْمُور ا , فكان لزاما أن أحرر بحثا للرسالة, وانْصَبَّ الإختيار على السياسة ليوافق المقال الحال, فالإنتفاضات والثورات الشعبية تَتْرَا في دولنا الإسلامية, والمرحلةُ تستلزم المشاركة وتوضيح المفاهيم الشرعية, وجلاء الحقائق وإسْقَاطها على الواقع وتصحيح المسارات, فالرأي العام بين مُوجِبٍ ومُبيحٍ للثورات, وسَاكتٍ ومُطيعٍ لهذه الحكومات. لذلكَ ارتأيتُ أن أُبْحِرَ في خِضمِّ هذه الأمواج الفكرية المُتلاطمةِ , وأُشَمِرَعن ساعدي راجيا أن أبلغ الحقيقة الصائبة, وأُرْشِد القارىء الكريم إلى فَهْمِ السياسةِ الراشدة / Recent political turmoil and developments in the Muslim World have motivated me to present this dissertation aimed at renewing, correcting and deepening an understanding of political concepts in light of the Islamic code. It is thus my endeavour to relate them to current reality as I perceive it. A primary concern that I address herein are debates revolving around political rebellion; namely, their permissibility or the need to remain sycophantic towards prevailing political authorities. / Religious Studies & Arabic / M.A. (Islamic Studies)

Quels sont les modèles sexués prônés dans les discours islamiques par les acteurs religieux issus des courants fondamentalistes, conscientisateur des Frères Musulmans et néosalafiste, à Bruxelles? Préconisent-ils un rapport hiérarchique, complémentaire ou égalitaire entre la femme et l’homme ?<p>L’analyse genrée de ces discours propres à chacun de ces courants, permet-elle d’identifier des différences de représentation de « la femme musulmane » ?L’émergence d’une féminisation du discours islamique à Bruxelles, au sein du courant conscientisateur des Frères Musulmans engendre-t-elle une remise en question de ces représentations et la mise en exergue des rapports sociaux de sexe ?A partir d’une recherche de terrain, qui s’est étendue de septembre 2006 à mars 2011, nous répondons à ces questions à l’aide d’un corpus constitué de plus 60 discours issus des acteurs et actrices religieux des courants fondamentalistes à Bruxelles. Ce corpus peut prétendre à l’exhaustivité.<p><p> / Doctorat en Philosophie / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Arabic text / الحمدُ لله الذي أكْرَمَنَا بِنُورالعلمِ المُبَدِّدِ للظُلمات, وعصَمَنا به من الأهواءِ المُرْدِية والآراءِ المُضلة رافع الإصْرَ عنَّا, جاء بالدين الوَسَطِ وحَذَّرَ من الوَكْسِ والشَطَطِ وبعدُ : فإنَّ أحقَ العلومِ بالتَّسْطِيرِ وأنفَسهَا عند الجَمْعِ والتَّحْبِيرِ , تِبْيَان وجهِ الحقِّ فيما تتعَاورهُ الأفهام بالجهلِ تار ة , وتار ة بما عرض لها من الأَوْهَامِ , ومن المهم تَجْديد وتَرْسِيخِ المفاهيم السياسية في ضوء نظام الشريعة الإسلامية, مِفْتَاح الهداية ونَهْجِ السعادة, بل وتصحيحها مما اعْتَراهَا من التشويه والزَّيفِ إذ ذاك من أفضل النوافل وأعظمها نفعا وعائدة, وأوفرها خيرا وفائدة. واعلم أن الناس أصنافٌ مختلفون وأطوارٌ مُتباينون يتقاطعون بالإيثار تابعا ومتبوعا ويتساعدون على أعمالهم آمِرا ومَأْمُور ا , فكان لزاما أن أحرر بحثا للرسالة, وانْصَبَّ الإختيار على السياسة ليوافق المقال الحال, فالإنتفاضات والثورات الشعبية تَتْرَا في دولنا الإسلامية, والمرحلةُ تستلزم المشاركة وتوضيح المفاهيم الشرعية, وجلاء الحقائق وإسْقَاطها على الواقع وتصحيح المسارات, فالرأي العام بين مُوجِبٍ ومُبيحٍ للثورات, وسَاكتٍ ومُطيعٍ لهذه الحكومات. لذلكَ ارتأيتُ أن أُبْحِرَ في خِضمِّ هذه الأمواج الفكرية المُتلاطمةِ , وأُشَمِرَعن ساعدي راجيا أن أبلغ الحقيقة الصائبة, وأُرْشِد القارىء الكريم إلى فَهْمِ السياسةِ الراشدة / Recent political turmoil and developments in the Muslim World have motivated me to present this dissertation aimed at renewing, correcting and deepening an understanding of political concepts in light of the Islamic code. It is thus my endeavour to relate them to current reality as I perceive it. A primary concern that I address herein are debates revolving around political rebellion; namely, their permissibility or the need to remain sycophantic towards prevailing political authorities. / Religious Studies and Arabic / M.A. (Islamic Studies)

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / In this study, rhetorical analysis through the framework of victimage ritual is employed to analyze four Boko Haram messages on You Tube, five e-mail messages sent to journalists from leaders of Boko Haram, and a BlogSpot web page devoted to Boko Haram. The aim of this analysis is to understand the persuasive devices by which Boko Haram leaders create, express, and sustain their jurisprudence on acts of violence. The goal of this study is to understand how leaders of Boko Haram construct and express the group’s values, sway belief, and justify violence. The findings show that Boko Haram desire to redeem non-Muslims from perdition, liberate Muslims from persecution, protect Islam from criticism, and revenge perceived acts of injustices against Muslims. The group has embarked on this aim by allotting blame, vilifying the enemy-Other, pressing for a holy war, encouraging martyrdom, and alluding to an apocalypse. Boko Haram’s audience is made to believe that Allah has assigned Boko Haram the task to liberate and restore an Islamic haven in Nigeria. Therefore, opposition from the Nigerian government or Western forces is constructed as actions of evil, thus killing members of the opposition becomes a celestial and noble cause. This juxtaposition serves to encourage the violent Jihad which leaders of Boko Haram claims Allah assigned them to lead in the first place. As a result of this cyclical communication, media houses, along the Nigerian government, Christians and Western ideals become the symbolic evil, against which Muslims, sympathizers and would-be-recruits must unite. By locking Islam against the Nigerian government, Western ideals and Christianity in a characteristically hostile manner, Boko Haram precludes any real solution other than an orchestrated Jihad-crusade-or-cleanse model in which a possible coexistence of Muslims and the enemy-Other are denied, and the threat posed by the enemy-Other is eliminated through conversion or destruction. As a result, this study proposes that Boko Haram Internet messages Boko Haram’s mission reveals a movement of separatism, conservatism, and fascism. A movement based on the claim that its activism will establish a state in accordance with the dictates of Allah.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / This dissertation analyzes the development of the Islamic Society of North America (ISNA), a Muslim-American religious association, from the Iranian Revolution to the inauguration of our nation's first African-American president. This case study of ISNA, the largest Muslim-American organization in North America, examines the organization's institution-building and governance as a way to illustrate Muslim-American civic and religious participation. Using nonprofit research and theory related to issues of diversity, legitimacy, power, and nonprofit governance and management, I challenge misconceptions about ISNA and dispel a number of myths about Muslim Americans and their institutions. In addition, I investigate the experiences of Muslim-Americans as they attempted to translate faith into practice within the framework of the American religious and civic experience. I arrive at three main conclusions. First, because of their incredible diversity, Muslim-Americans are largely cultural pluralists. They draw from each other and our national culture to develop their religious identity and values. Second, a nonprofit association that embraces the values of a liberal democracy by establishing itself as an open organization will include members that may damage the organization's reputation. I argue that ISNA's values should be assessed in light of its programs and actions rather than the views of a small portion of its membership. Reviewing the organization's actions and programs helps us discover a religious association that is centered on American civic and religious values. Third, ISNA's leaders were unable to balance their desire for an open, consensus-based organization with a strong nonprofit management power structure. Effective nonprofit associations need their boards, volunteers and staff to have well-defined roles and authority. ISNA's leaders failed to adopt such a management and governance structure because of their suspicion of an empowered chief executive officer.