This dissertation examines monitoring of state compliance with international humanitarian law (IHL) conducted by the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC). In subjecting this particular monitoring regime to systematic analysis, the dissertation sheds light on the more general question of the effects of international law on state behavior. The project first places the de facto monitoring regime that governs IHL in the broader context of other monitoring regimes in international politics. Here the decentralized nature of the monitoring regime that governs IHL is highlighted. The central role played by a non state actor, the ICRC, in both the initial codification of the law and its monitoring is partial indication of the tepid interest of states in securing compliance with the law. This chapter likewise examines variation in the IHL monitoring regime across time to explain how exogenous changes in the nature of war in the post-World War II period led to the obsolescence of the institution of the protecting power and its replacement by an ad hoc monitoring system with the ICRC at its center. The informality of this institutional arrangement proved an asset, as it was not hamstrung by the same considerations that bedeviled its competitors, the protecting power and the International Humanitarian Fact Finding Commission (IHFFC). The dissertation proceeds to introduce an original dataset and to test via statistical analysis a set of hypotheses about the conditions under which states grant access to the ICRC as a monitor of IHL compliance. Though both regime type variables and variables related to the military-strategic context prove significant, there is substantial evidence that states make strategic use of monitor access, for instance offering partial but incomplete access as a way to accrue at minimum cost the benefits of signaling compliance. There is further evidence that, while some indicators of military urgency decrease monitor access as realists would predict, other such indicators have the opposite effect. I read this as indication that offering a degree of access holds some political value to warring states and thus is an incentive for states to offer partial access even absent full commitment to the law. This intermediate level of access that appears so attractive to states is thus a potential moral hazard. The next chapter examines the strategic decisions, not of states, but of the ICRC itself, probing in particular the circumstances under which it is most likely to break its confidentiality policy and "go public." Examining the full universe of ICRC press releases from 1995 to 2005, I find evidence that the organization is particularly likely to choose a policy of silence in situations in which states refuse it access. This decision may sometimes be problematic. As in the case of the Algerian civil war, the organization may hold its tongue during a civil war in which IHL violation is rampant only to happily announce that it has been welcomed back into the state once the opposition has been routed. This chapter also finds evidence for the relevance of a cultural variable. Because ICRC neutrality is particularly suspect in contexts in which a politicized strand of Islam is a salient conflict dimension, the ICRC tends toward a general policy of silence in such conflicts. A notable exception, nevertheless consistent with the general logic explicated here, is the Israeli Palestinian conflict, in which the ICRC has been unusually critical of Israel in an attempt, I argue, to demonstrate the organization's credibility to Arab and Muslim audiences.

This thesis adopts a bottom-up, qualitative approach to Palestinian identity construction in East Jerusalem and asks how the new politics and altered geography of the city since Oslo are recreating Palestinian subjectivities and redefining Palestinian struggle. I make the case that East Jerusalemites are doubly marginalised, first as Palestinians spatially and politically dislocated from the West Bank, then as residents of Israel, inside the politics and economy of the state but permanently excluded from the national project. Distanced from both state projects and from the discursive structures through which Palestinian identity was constructed after 1967, East Jerusalem residents are redefining from below what it means to be Palestinian in ways that are unfamiliar to Palestinians elsewhere in the occupied territories. Drawing on the vocabulary and theoretical contours of discourse theory, I problematise the top-down optic favoured by mainstream academic approaches which essentialises identities and privileges an occupation/resistance binary. I suggest that a ground-level approach to everyday practices in East Jerusalem sheds light on the extent to which existing nationalist and resistance discourses have either lost or changed meaning for Palestinian residents and makes evident the complexities of domination which are not visible from an elevated perspective. I suggest that the view from the ground in East Jerusalem is significantly underexplored and that from this position, the assumptions underlying existing analytic approaches to Palestinian identity and struggle are called into question.

Orientadora: Raquel Cabral / Banca: Maximiliano Martin Vicente / Banca: Marcos Alan Shaikhzadeh Vahdat Ferreira / Resumo: O jornalismo para a paz (Peace Journalism) é um conceito que nasce a partir dos Estudos para a Paz (Peace Studies). Neste âmbito, são pensadas em maneiras pelas quais as práticas jornalísticas podem colaborar para a desconstrução das estruturas de violência, representando o interesse público e fortalecendo a democracia e uma cultura de paz. Neste estudo, tomando como objeto o caso das movimentações de refugiados sírios a partir do ano de 2015, foi conduzida uma análise de conteúdo de matérias dos sites de notícias G1 e Al Jazeera English (AJE) utilizando o jornalismo para a paz como suporte metodológico. As categorias de análise incluem tipologia de violência, contextualização sociopolítica, progressão temporal, utilização de fontes, terminologia, iniciativas de cultura de paz e adaptação e cultura dos refugiados. Os resultados das análises de 104 unidades de informação mostram que há, nos dois veículos jornalísticos, a presença tanto de elementos do jornalismo para a paz quanto do modelo do jornalismo de guerra ou violência, teoricamente oposto ao Peace Journalism. Por exemplo, ambos os sites dão destaque a matérias que têm a violência estrutural em primeiro plano e trazem informações sobre o contexto social e político relacionado ao tema dos refugiados. Em contrapartida, uma análise detalhada indica que essa contextualização é feita de maneira breve. Em relação às fontes, as matérias da AJE são as que mais incorporam depoimentos de autoridades políticas. No G1, apesar de es... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: Within the context of Peace Journalism, as a concept that emerges from the Peace Studies, this research investigated in which ways the journalistic activity can assist in deconstructing the structures of violence, hence representing public interest and strengthening democracy and a culture of peace. The present study performed a content analysis of news websites Brazilian G1 and Qatari Al Jazeera English (AJE) based on the Peace Journalism framework. The case of the Syrian refugees movements from 2015 on was the main theme of the analyzed news stories. The categories of the content analysis were typology of violence, sociopolitical context, timeline, usage of sources, terminology; culture of peace initiatives, and adaptation and culture. The results of the analyses of 104 stories show that in both websites there are elements of Peace Journalism, as well as War Journalism's ones - the latter theoretically opposes the Peace Journalism framework. For instance, G1 and AJE prioritize news that foregrounds structural violence, and include in their content information on social and political conjuncture of the Middle Eastern refugees case. Nevertheless, a detailed analysis shows that this contextualization is not covered in a thorough manner. Regarding the sources, AJE stories are the ones that incorporate statements from political authorities the most. Although those sources are also frequent on G1, in this website there is a strategy to bring the displacement issue closer to the B... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Resumen: El periodismo para la paz (Peace Journalism) es un concepto que nace desde la Investigación para la Paz (Peace Studies). En este ámbito, son pensadas en las maneras por las cuales las prácticas periodísticas pueden colaborar para la deconstrucción de las estructuras de violencia, representando el interés público y fortaleciendo la democracia y la cultura de paz. En esta investigación se ha desarrollado un análisis de contenido del sitio web de noticias brasileño G1 y del catarí Al Jazeera English (AJE) basado en el modelo teórico del periodismo para la paz. El caso de los desplazamientos de los refugiados sirios desde 2015 fue el tema principal de las noticias analizadas. Las categorías del análisis incluyen tipología de violencia, contextualización sociopolítica, progresión temporal, utilización de fuentes, terminología, iniciativas de cultura de paz y adaptación y cultura de los refugiados. El resultado del análisis de 104 noticias muestra que hay en los dos sitios web tanto elementos del periodismo para la paz como del periodismo de guerra o violencia, modelo que se contrapone teóricamente al primero. Por ejemplo, ambos priorizan noticias que tiene la violencia estructural en primer plano y incluyen en sus contenidos informaciones sobre el contexto social y político relacionado al tema de los refugiados. Sin embargo, un análisis detallado indica que esta contextualización es hecha superficialmente. En relación a las fuentes, las noticias de AJE son las que más incorporan d... (Resumen completo clicar acceso eletrônico abajo) / Mestre

The deep-rooted Israeli-Palestinian conflict has been a major source of destabilization in the Middle East for some three-quarters of a century. Whereas other long-standing conflicts around the world have been brought to a close, this struggle (both in and of itself and within its wider Arab-Israeli dimension) remains a perennial tinderbox. This is particularly true given the unsettling realities of the region in which the conflict exists. Consequently, a certain sense of urgency for finding a permanent political settlement can be discerned both within the region and outside it. still, the search for a solution has yielded progress only on an interim arrangement (the Gaza-Jericho autonomy accord signed by Israel and the PLO September 13, 1993). To be workable, a political settlement must break new ground by conceptualizing the problem in terms which transcend the traditional, emotion-laden and myopic rhetoric commonly used by both sides. This research is an attempt to contribute to a fresh, far-reaching understanding of the requisites for a secure Israeli-Palestinian peace and, on this basis, to evaluate the alternative scenarios for the ultimate disposition of the Israeli-administered West Bank and Gaza Strip. To that end, the fundamental question is which of these alternatives would go furthest in satisfying the vital interests of both parties so that a permanent settlement of the disputed territories might at last be implemented. In developing a conceptual framework for evaluating potential solutions, this research incorporates a comprehensive definition of "national security" juxtaposed with a concept related to American-Soviet detente: common security. National security means protection against all major perils to a state's security, not merely military threats. Common security is a mutual commitment to joint survival. It is based on a recognition that because of an increasingly interdependent world, states can no longer achieve security unilaterally but rather only through the creation of positive-sum processes that lead to cooperation with one another. The first half of this thesis, then, attempts to establish the essential elements of a common security framework for Israel and the Palestinian inhabitants of the West Bank and Gaza. The concluding chapters of the thesis focus on the evaluation of five alternative scenarios for an IsraeliPalestinian political settlement: 1) the present status quo: 2) the "Jordanian option," or a return to the status quo ante of June 1967; 3) Israeli annexation; 4) an IsraelJordan confederation with a Palestinian entity federally linked to one or both; and 5) a Palestinian state, either fully independent or federally connected with Israel and/or Jordan. Each option is assessed on the basis of the degree to which it would satisfy the common-security criteria formulated in the preceding chapters: 1) protection against military threats: 2) the realization of Palestinian political self-determination; 3) the preservation of Israel's Jewish and democratic ideals; 4) internal (societal) and regional stability; 5) economic viability; and 6) the sufficient and equitable allocation of water resources. The alternative rated most favorably is the establishment of a sovereign, independent Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza, excluding the Jordan Valley and the Jerusalem Corridor. This assessment presupposes certain provisions. Among these are the deployment of an American-led multinational peacekeeping force in the Samarian mountains of the West Bank, the creation of an economic confederation and tripartite federal water authority linking Israel, Jordan and Arab Palestine, and a special status for East Jerusalem. The implementation of such a settlement, it is argued, would create a new modus vivendi among the Arabs and the Israelis, which, in turn, could serve as the underpinning of a durable and comprehensive peace.

Thesis (M.A.)--Baylor University, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 177-198).

The news media serve as the Canadian public’s main source of information about the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. This thesis examines the ways in which the Canadian media portray the conflict, through a lens of Habermas’ (1962) public sphere theory, Foucault’s (1926 – 1984) ideas on discourse, and Rawls’ (1921 – 2002) conceptions of equality and justice. Building on these theories, Noelle-Neumann’s Spiral of Silence theory (1974), Said’s Orientalism (1978), and d’Arcy’s (1913 – 1983) conception of the right to communicate are examined to arrive at a framework for analyzing Canadian news. Looking at ideological representations, power manifestations, issue framing, and social responsibility within the media, this thesis explores whether the Canadian media portray the conflict in such a way that fosters a downward spiral of opinions within the Canadian public. A Critical Discourse Analysis of coverage in two national English Canadian newspapers, The Globe and Mail and the National Post, during three separate timeframes of increased violence in Israel and Palestine between 2000 and 2009 reveals that newspaper representations of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict are often entrenched in predefined ways of portraying the Other, fostering an Israeli-Palestinian spiral of silence in Canadian media.

This thesis engages with the relationship between national identity, security-based narratives, and foreign policy. It focuses on the 1982 Lebanon War as the most controversial in Israel's history because it violated the Israeli societal norm of only fighting wars of self-defence (when there is no alternative to war). Through an examination of Israeli films about the 1982 war – Ricochets, Time for Cherries, Cup Final, Waltz with Bashir and Lebanon – this thesis studies the identity crisis experienced by Israelis after the invasion of Lebanon and the coping mechanisms that helped Israeli society reconcile the war with the security-based narratives that inform collective identity in Israel. / Cette thèse a pour objet la relation entre l’identité nationale, les récits sécuritaires et la politique étrangère. Elle se base sur la Guerre du Liban de 1982 en tant que guerre la plus controversée des guerres israéliennes en raison de sa contradiction avec la norme israélienne de seulement mener des guerres de légitime défense (à savoir lorsqu'il n'y a aucun autre recours que la guerre). À travers un examen des films israéliens qui traitent de la guerre de 1982 – Ricochets, Time for Cherries, Cup Final, Waltz with Bashir et Lebanon – cette thèse discute de la crise identitaire vécue par les Israéliens à la suite de l'invasion du Liban et s’intéresse aux stratégies d'adaptation qui ont aidé la société israélienne à réconcilier la guerre avec les récits sécuritaires qui font partie de la construction de l'identité collective israélienne.

The news media serve as the Canadian public’s main source of information about the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. This thesis examines the ways in which the Canadian media portray the conflict, through a lens of Habermas’ (1962) public sphere theory, Foucault’s (1926 – 1984) ideas on discourse, and Rawls’ (1921 – 2002) conceptions of equality and justice. Building on these theories, Noelle-Neumann’s Spiral of Silence theory (1974), Said’s Orientalism (1978), and d’Arcy’s (1913 – 1983) conception of the right to communicate are examined to arrive at a framework for analyzing Canadian news. Looking at ideological representations, power manifestations, issue framing, and social responsibility within the media, this thesis explores whether the Canadian media portray the conflict in such a way that fosters a downward spiral of opinions within the Canadian public. A Critical Discourse Analysis of coverage in two national English Canadian newspapers, The Globe and Mail and the National Post, during three separate timeframes of increased violence in Israel and Palestine between 2000 and 2009 reveals that newspaper representations of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict are often entrenched in predefined ways of portraying the Other, fostering an Israeli-Palestinian spiral of silence in Canadian media.

Abstract The process of the Israeli-Palestinian negotiation was influenced by the Al Aqsa Intifada. After the "9-11", the American Bush Administration has changed the initial non-involvement policy and proposed the "Roadmap for peace¡¨ with the Quartet to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Therefore, this research is based on realism to analyze whether American ¡§Roadmap for peace¡¨ policy does facilitate the peace between Israeli and Palestine or not, and explore how the United States formulates its Israeli-Palestine policy and strategies. Although United States utilizes its superior status and resources to implement the ¡§Roadmap for peace¡¨ , be it the political reform, the security reform, and the economic and humanitarian assistance. The "Roadmap for peace¡¨ is currently worked in the first stage. The reason why is that Israeli and Palestine have different positions on the right of Palestinian refugees back to home, the Jerusalem status, the Jews settlement and border. Besides, both sides inact to fulfill the responsibilities, and still strike each other violently. There are also resistances from within. However, Abbas, who represents the moderate line, has become the new Palestinian President. Israeli Premier Minister Sharon has made compromise in significant issues recently. So long as United States has influence on Israeli and Palestine, and grasps the opportunity to promote ¡§Roadmap for peace¡¨, United States may put into effect the vision, namely peace between Israeli and Palestine.

This thesis analyzes the issue of terrorism regarding the Palestinian-Israeli Peace Process. The role of two sides on the ongoing violence and terrorism will be discussed comparatively. Focusing on the Peace Process, the thesis will trace whether terrorist activities had an impact on the collapse of the Peace Process and also will demonstrate how a peace process produced an Israeli state more militarized and a Palestinian society more radicalized and religious than ever before.