ANALISIS DEL PODER DEL SINDICATO EN CADA Anarquista Y SUS RESPECTIVOS GOBIERNOS MUNICIPALES EN localidad / Analisis poder politico de los anarquistas

Tesis Doctoral QUE CON DETALLE LA Analiza Influencia DE LOS ES CADA MUNICIPIO Anarquistas, PODER POLÍTICO DURANTE SU CONTRA LA GUERRA CIVIL LAS Fuerzas franquistas (1936-1939, Alianzas SUS, Teórica EVOLUCION ORGANIZATIVA Y, ASPECTOS IMPORTANTES DE SU GESTIÓN PÚBLICA COTIDIANA, ETC.

Le présent mémoire interroge le statut du concept de « nation » à l’intérieur de la pensée politique contemporaine. Ce concept de nation peut bien être compris comme un problème du fait que certaines nuances n’ont pas été établies là où c’était visiblement nécessaire à une compréhension théorique et à une expression politique saine du phénomène. Selon la perspective épistémologique que nous développerons ici, le nationalisme n’est en définitive rien d’autre qu’un type de discours qui porte sur la nation en la valorisant politiquement – peu importe ce que l’on entend par le terme de nation. Le sens du mot nation n’est selon nous aucunement déterminant pour une analyse épistémologique du nationalisme. Nous développons ici une réflexion épistémologique sur la possibilité et les conditions du phénomène nationaliste que nous catégoriserons comme un phénomène discursif. / Our essay proceeds from the idea that the concept of "nation" might indeed be a problem in contemporary political theory. In fact, certain nuances were not established where it is obviously necessary for a proper understanding and for a healthy political expression of the phenomenon. We address here some problems of nationalism by using an epistemological perspective. According to our epistemological perspective, nationalism is nothing else than a category of discourse concerning the nation, valuing it politically. The meaning of the word "nation" is, according to us, not at all significant for an epistemological analysis of nationalism. We develop here an epistemological theory concerning the possibility and the conditions of nationalist phenomenon which we categorize as discursive.

Det här arbetet bygger på en inventering av Stadsträdgården/Boulognerskogen i Gävle, sett ur folkhälsosynpunkt, där syftet har varit att hitta och identifiera de åtta strukturella kvaliteter; egenskaper i uppbyggnaden, som behövs i en hälsofrämjande park. Utifrån ett formulär från Statens Folkhälsoinstitut har frågor angående grönområdets allmänna karaktärer (naturtyp, upplevelsekvaliteter) och särskilda karaktärer (tillgänglighet, trygghet, anpassningar) besvarats, utvärderats och sammanställts för att kunna svara på om parkens innehåll uppfyller de kriterier som förväntas av ett hälsofrämjande grönområde . I inventeringen har hänsyn tagits till följande målgrupper barn/ungdom, äldre, personer med funktionsnedsättning, övriga samhällsgrupper. För att kunna förstå stadsparkernas utvecklingsfaser i Sverige har en litteraturstudie gjorts om stadsparkers historia. En litteraturstudie har även gjorts inom ämnet miljöpsykologi och hälsa för att få en förståelse kring hur naturen påverkar och uppfattas av människor ur folkhälsosynpunkt. Stadsträdgården och Boulognerskogen har varit en plats för rekreation för Gävleborna sedan långt tillbaka och är det än idag. Parkens utseende och närområdet har förändrats en del under åren och det har fört med sig att även parkens hälsofrämjande kvaliteter förändrats. Resultatet visar att flertalet av dessa kvaliteter finns i Stadsträdgården/Boulognerskogen, men att det finns brister som gör att den inte kan benämnas som en hälsofrämjande park enligt de kriterier som nämnts ovan. En av orsakerna är trafikbuller.

This thesis aims to construct a sensitising framework of concepts and propositions in order to establish foundations for an interpretive sociological understanding of the process of politics in formal organisational arenas. In doing so, it seeks to consider and discuss some broader issues and problems which have engaged the recent interest of general sociologists, but which have been more or less neglected by practitioners in the organisational sub-field. A detailed critical examination of the "politics-related" literature reveals the tacit existence of three types of approach to the topic, none of which provides a sufficient grounding for the sociological study of organisational power and politics. The weaknesses of existing contributions are shown to lie as much in their dominant methodology of theorising as in the latter's content, and it is therefore imperative to clarify certain methodological matters before progressing very far. It is in fact argued that, in order to comply with the demands of the theoretical assumptions underlying this thesis, the academic activity of theorising must be sensitising rather than definitive. In spite of their various shortcomings, the prominant theories in the area offer important clues as to the nature of power and politics, and these clues are transformed into three conceptual themes - of order-conflict, of possibilities-impossibilities and of the two faces of power - which act as analytical points of reference for the development of a sensitising framework. To explore the pivotal characteristic of the interpretive sociological approach to political action, viz. the subjective meaningfulness of such action, discussion focuses primarily upon participants' everyday theorising activities which, through their interpretive and strategic functions, mediate between the objective social world of organisational life and the observable process of organisational power and politics.

This thesis examines recent experiments with participatory democracy in the context of decentralised local government. It charts the evolution in attitudes to the role of the generality of citizens in their own government, from commentators who were convinced that stability depended upon their apathy, to the current belief that mass involvement will save local democracy from deteriorating further into crisis. From the literature it is apparent that various authorities have pursued decentralisation initiatives for very different, sometimes conflicting reasons, not all concerned with democratisation. These have frequently been only vaguely articulated and then half-heartedly implemented. Where democratisation has actually been attempted and has included a participatory element, it is the particular contention here that there has been a mismatch between the structures adopted and the objectives to be achieved such that the community participants involved are prevented from playing the role envisaged for them. Furthermore, it is argued that a belief that the emergent participants are non political overlooks their true party affiliations; consequently there has been a failure to introduce sufficient safeguards to ensure true accountability to the constituents for whom they are intended to speak. The case studies on which the research is based are drawn from Scotland where there is an existing grassroots network of community councils which might have formed the building block for any new structures of involvement. Two quite contrasting models are examined, one primarily intended to improve the council's responsiveness to local needs and aspirations in regard to provision of public services, and one intended to offset disadvantage through empowerment. These are evaluated in the light of the above hypotheses and alternative models are evolved better suited to achieving the council's apparent aims. Finally lessons are drawn in relation to their effectiveness or otherwise as examples of new forms of participatory democracy which would have a potential to lower the barriers to involvement by those who currently choose, or are forced, to remain excluded from our present representative forms of democracy.

`Our main feare to have our religion lost, our throats cutted, and our poor countrey made an English province.' As graphically articulated by Robert Baillie, minister of Kilwinning in Ayrshire (and subsequently principal of the university of Glasgow), the apprehensions which motivated the Scots to promulgate the National Covenant on 28 February 1638, were as much nationalist as religious. The primary purpose of this thesis is to argue that although religion, more specifically the imposition of liturgical innovations, was undoubtedly the issue which precipitated the termination of Charles I's thirteen year personal rule, the Scots were collectively reacting against innovatory policies conceived at Court, policies intent on the fundamental restructuring of Scottish government and society as well as the implementation of economic no less than religious uniformity throughout the British Isles. The failure of Charles I was not just a matter of political presentation, though his authoritarian style of government was instrumental in provoking Scots to revolt in defence of civil and religious liberties. The emergence of the Covenanting Movement entailed a substantial rejection of Charles' personal rule both with respect to policy content and political direction. Paradoxically, the elite who manufactured revolution in name of the Covenanting Movement were to draw on lessons learned from Charles I in promoting the central reorientation of Scottish government between 1638 and 1641. During these years, marked ostensibly by the imposition of constitutional checks on absentee monarch in Kirk and State and the replacement of the Court by the National Covenant as the political reference point for Scottish society, the revolutionary essence of the Covenanting Movement demonstrably lay in its organisational capacity to exert unprecedented demands for ideological conformity, military recruitment and financial supply. Accordingly, this thesis is intent on providing not just an exhaustive and detailed reconstruction of mainstream political developments between 1625 and 1641, but also a systematic and comprehensive analysis of the conduct of the personal rule, the emergence of the Covenanting Movement and the radical nature of the Scottish revolution which was to serve as the model for terminating the personal rule of Charles I in England and Ireland. Occasional comparisons and contrasts are drawn where apposite with contemporaneous political developments elsewhere in Europe. A brief introduction sets the scenes with regard to past commentaries on the origin and organisation of the Covenanting Movement during the reign of Charles I. Thereafter, the first three chapters define the flexible nature of the political nation in Scotland and expound its aspirations nationally and internationally in the wake of the union of the Crowns in 1603, aspirations which were compromised politically by James VI's departure south but not undermined critically until the accession of Charles I in 1625 as an absentee monarch ill-versed in the composition of the Scottish body politic and manifestly insensitive to its personal fears of provincialism. The single most fractious yet least comprehensive issue of the personal rule was the Revocation Scheme - Scotland's equivalent to the Schleswig-Holstein question. Although a lord justice-clerk of the last century has complemented Charles I for setting the whole law of tithes (teinds) on a sound footing, the aspects of the Revocation Scheme which mattered to his Scottish subjects were its specious introduction, its authoritarian implementation, its technical complexities and, above all, its wholescale disregard for landed title and privilege. Three chapters have been devoted to unravelling its comprehensive scope but limited impact and another three to its political ramifications, notably its permeation of a climate of dissent and its progressive sapping of the will of the Scottish administration to uphold monarchical authority. Fiscal aspects dominate the next three chapters. Charles' dogmatic pursuit of economic uniformity is identified as marking a critical shift, the moving of the disaffected element within the political nation to open collusion verging on civil disobedience to obstruct the implementation of directives from Court. The pursuit of uniformity, especially evident in Charles' promotion of the common fishing and tariff reform, coupled to his cavalier disregard for the establishment of sound money in Scotland, served not only to induce economic recession but to differentiate between the royal interest and the national interest. This crucial differentiation which was to underwrite the Scottish revolution was simultaneously carried a combustible stage further by Charles' censorious management of his coronation parliament, by his exemplary prosecution of James Elphinstone, Lord Balmerino, as a leader of the disaffected element and by his public endorsement of episcopally inspired campaigns to eradicate nonconformity in the Kirk. The rallying of the disaffected element and their mounting of public demonstrations against liturgical innovations, as manifest by the rioting which greeted readings from the Service Book in Edinburgh during the summer of 1637, form the substance of the next three chapters and are complemented by the subsequent two which trace the progressive emergence of the tables from a vehicular organisation for public protest into a provisional government resolved on a radical interpretation of the National Covenant. In spite of the apparent conservatism of its framing, this document was in essence both a nationalist and radical manifesto to secure the fundamental reordering of government in Kirk and State while reasserting the political independence of the Scottish people. Rather than seek to retread ground well served by political narratives of the Covenanting Movement following its emergence in 1638, the last three chapters prior to the conclusion scrutinise the revolutionary attainments of the elite directing the cause from the first constitutional defiance of Charles I at the general assembly of 1638 through recourse to hostilities between Covenanters and Royalists during the Bishops' Wars of 1639-40. Having brought to bear sufficient military and political pressure to oblige Charles I to concede diplomatic recognition for the Scottish state as an independent identity within the British Isles, a concession furthered by the willingness of the Covenanting leadership to export revolution, the entrenchment of oligarchic control over Scottish affairs was consummated by the parliament of 1641. Because the contrasting political fortunes of Charles I and the Covenanting Movement nationally are appraised summarily in the penultimate chapter, the formal conclusion takes the unconventional format of providing a regional perspective - that of the west of Scotland - to successive government by Crown and Covenant between 1625 and 1641. Although local particularism persisted throughout these sixteen years, there was a significant difference in the regional response to centralised directives before and after 1638. That the grievances of the west tended to coalesce with the rest of Scotland in the course of the personal rule suggests that Charles I, regionally as well as nationally, was the political architect of his own downfall. By way of contrast, despite unprecedented ideological, military and financial demands, the Covenanting Movement retained wholescale support in the west for its national endeavou

The provision of state pensions in the advanced countries faces two significant and reinforcing challenges. Demographic change and global economic pressure impact the provision of public pensions by increasing social spending and depending on the method of financing, the base of government’s revenues from which these programmes are funded. Countries belonging to the liberal welfare model, such as the UK and Canada, hold a common view on the primacy of the market and actively adapt measures that keep social benefits modest. Yet the reforms adopted by the UK and Canadian government reveal divergence. This presents a puzzle as the welfare state literature predicts convergence. Canada with its small domestic market and open economy has greater exposure to risks of globalisation than the UK, but it is the UK and not Canada that adopted the more radical reforms. To explain this puzzle, this thesis examines four cases: two different pensions’ schemes in each of the two countries – Canada and the UK. The thesis argues that the concentration of political authority is central to explaining the variation, although not the sole factor.

The role of the media - East and West - in the East European revolutions in 1989 has been the subject of much discussion and research. However, the focus has been on the extent to which the media directly influenced these events. There has been very little work done on the impact of the revolutions on how the western news media reported events to their domestic audiences. Yet for over 40 years, they had reported Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union within a specific, interpretative framework: "Cold War News". Suddenly, in 1989, the whole referential structure appeared to fall apart as assumptions shattered and certainties crumbled. This study, therefore, examines the impact of political revolution and crisis on 'Cold War news'. It uses in-depth quantitative-qualitative content analysis, and pays special attention to images, language, themes, and structures of access in order to reveal the nature and extent of the paradigm crisis and point up contradictions that may arise as a result.

The aim of this study is to investigate conflict as a literary technique in general, and in J. M. Ntsime's play, Pelo e ja Serati, in particular. The discussion will focus on the structural causes and the effect of conflict in drama. The study comprises seven chapters. The aim, scope and methods of research are outlined and motivated in chapter one. The second chapter provides background about Ntsime's text. This mise en scene includes a plot summary, discussion of the genre of the play as well as information about the cast of characters. The chapter further considers some of the aspects upon which conflict relies, including characterisation, naming and setting. The third chapter offers some theoretical perspectives on conflict in general. These serve to determine the nature of conflict and its importance in drama. Chapter four deals with the structural analysis of conflict in Pelo e ja Serati. Emphasis is placed on the internal structure of conflict, to demonstrate its vital role in the development of dramatic action, from the beginning of the play through to its conclusion. Chapter five explores the relationship between dialogue and conflict in the play. It explores the ways in which dialogue develops and sustains conflict, Chapter six focuses on the style of the author. It discusses general stylistic techniques, including poetic language, imagery, proverbs and idioms. Particular attention was given to the use of these devices in Pelo e ja Serati and the manner in which they develop and sustain the conflict. Chapter seven revisits the main points of the study. By way of conclusion, I argued that the moral and ethical lessons portrayed by Ntsime in Pelo e ja Serati remain relevant to today's reader/audience. / Thesis (MA)--PU for CHE, 1999