After three decades of seemingly insurmountable suspicion and bilateral crises, the post-Cold War period has witnessed a remarkable renewal and strengthening of Sino-Russian relations. Many of the underlying factors and circumstances contributing to the bilateral rapprochement of the past two decades remain yet to be analysed. This thesis illuminates the role of one of the factors involved in this process: the development of institutional links between the two states. Bilateral institutions, which were almost entirely absent until the mid-1990s, have now rapidly proliferated into a dense network of commissions and sub-commissions, working groups, and institutionalised exchanges, encompassing virtually all sectors of interaction between China and Russia. In addition, both countries are increasingly interacting in the framework of multilateral institutions and international organisations. This thesis examines what role the institutionalisation of Sino-Russian relations has played in enabling both states to forge a closer working relationship with each other. It begins by providing a brief comparative overview of the most common accounts of the factors that led to increasing Sino-Russian rapprochement in recent decades, assessing these factors through the lenses of relevant approaches in International Relations theory. It points out deficits in these common accounts, concluding that bilateral cooperation remained fraught with substantial problems and obstacles in all of these dimensions. Hence, these factors alone did not provide a policymaking context in which a persistent mutual rapprochement was particularly likely, let alone predetermined. The thesis then examines to what extent the process of institution-building has contributed to fostering and perpetuating bilateral rapprochement. It employs analytical concepts borrowed from Neoliberal Institutionalist theory and applies them in the context of several case studies of institution-building between China and Russia. It explores the extent to which the newly-created bilateral institutional channels have facilitated the implementation of cooperative policies between both countries by bringing together relevant stakeholders and rendering each country’s policy towards the other more stable, more predictable, and more well-informed.

The practices of NGOs and development agencies located in the global North have been criticised for displaying (post-)colonial continuities. Concurrently, western feminism has been critiqued for assuming universality in the experiences of white western women. Hence there is a need for reflection on operating within and resisting of these power structures. Using interview data, this thesis investigates the reflections of women NGO workers located in the global North working on gendered issues to support women in and from the global South. The thesis situates the women’s reflections in the context of the critiques arising from feminist theory, postcolonial theory, global civil society and critical development literature. In this theoretically informed empirical study it is analysed how the women NGO workers understand their own work practices and how they negotiate their relations with the women they seek to support. This work can be placed within a relatively new genre within critical development literature, which focuses on the subjectivities, experiences, and identity construction of NGO and development workers. The aim of the thesis is first to contribute to our understanding of the complexities and contradictions in the positioning of women who engage in justice seeking practices related to gendered issues in a global context. Second, the intention of this work is to enhance the reflexive and analytic practices of NGOs/IGOs and their employees. The thesis sketches a multi-faceted picture of the women NGO workers that transcends the good versus bad binary; it argues that while the narratives of the women NGO workers underline their complicity in hegemonic discourses, the narratives also show their awareness of the contentiousness of their position and point to possible ruptures of and resistances to the dominant power structures.

This thesis assesses the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) as it has played out in Nigeria. The APRM is an initiative by the African Union (AU) and the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD) to promote good governance through self-assessment and monitoring by African states. The APRM is particularly interesting as a continental (rather than single country) programme which puts the good governance agenda in the hands of African states themselves (rather than international financial institutions, for example). Focusing on the National Programme of Action (NPoA) of 2009 - 2012, the research finds that the APRM has had little or no impact on governance in Nigeria. Notwithstanding the NPoA's limited contributions to national development, the entire process has failed to recognise, engage and tackle the underlying socio-political dynamics of politics in the country, which have the most impact on governance structures and processes. The thesis accounts for this outcome by examining structure (through the role of actors) and underlying socio-political dynamics, both nationally and internationally. In terms of actors the research explores the role of individual leaders, NEPAD and APRM secretariats (national and continental), federal state representatives, regional and sub-regional organisations, international donors, and civil society in the APRM process. In terms of underlying factors, Richard Joseph's theory of prebendalism gives analytical power to understanding the APRM within Nigeria's political culture, while the neo-Gramscian perspective of cultural hegemony enables an analysis of the APRM within the broader international context. Both contribute to a holistic assessment of the APRM in Nigeria. Neither one of these two theoretical contributions is able to offer a comprehensive assessment if used unmodified or on their own. The APRM has the potential to open new political spaces for collaborative engagement between government and civil society in Nigeria, with the possibility of beneficial effects for governance and accountability. So far, however, this potential has not been realised. This must be judged as a significant shortcoming to date.

It is a rare multinational corporation which neglects to express interest in Corporate Social Responsibility. Across countries, across industries and across organisations, ideas about ‘giving back’, ‘working with communities’, and ‘being responsible’ are discussed as commonly as profit margins and shareholder return. Despite, or perhaps because of, this plenitude, there remains confusion in understandings of what this phenomenon actually is and how it works. Of particular relevance for scholars of International Relations are lacunae in understanding how such an idea, value-based and emphasising organisational consistency, can be meaningful for actors operating simultaneously in many diverse locations, and under the freedom of international anarchy. Further, questions arise about what this phenomenon, reliant on ideas of good and bad, may illuminate about the movement of norms through the international system. These are the two interrelated problems that the dissertation seeks to address. Following a constructivist approach, the dissertation uses a qualitative case study method, focusing on one main corporate case (Rio Tinto Group). Insights derived from the main case study are then compared with two secondary corporate cases, to strengthen their validity and reliability. Key findings about the operational question, of how corporate social responsibility operates in multinational firms, point to the importance of broad, non-prescriptive and value-based policies at the global corporate level, with plenty of space for flexibility and variation in local implementation. In this way, corporations are able both to claim global consistency and local appropriateness. Insights about the movement of norms through the international system then follow, taking their cue from the well-known work of Finnemore and Sikkink (1998). The study finds that, while the essence of their ‘downwards’ model remains valid, applying it to the workings of international CSR points up limitations. Specifically, it appears that norms can move in various directions, not only ‘downwards’, but also ‘upwards’, as well as in cycles. Further, it appears that the direction of movement is influenced by local circumstances, and in particular the stability of the local political and economic environment.

This thesis tries to demonstrate that psychoanalytic principles, primarily those developed by Sigmund Freud, can be extrapolated from the individual to the collective level-of-analysis in order to formulate a paradigm of international relations. The first part illustrates that structural concepts of Freudian psychoanalysis provide a model of human psychology by which traditions of international political thinking, both Western and non-Western, can be compared and analysed; it is argued that the 'id-ego-superego' model provides a trans-cultural and trans-historical representation of political philosophy. Similarly, although Freud's writing on political and social themes did not examine the political philosophies of either Western or non-Western traditions in any depth, nor elaborate a theory of international relations, his analyses of political and social affairs, while limited, would seem to have applied his individual models of human psychology to analyse relations between group actors such as states, even though he did not make this explicit. Nonetheless, this thesis extrapolates psychoanalytic principles to the level of state and non-state groupings in order to develop a psychoanalytic theory of international relations based on four main themes: first, that the 'id-ego-superego' model of human socialisation can be used to construct an 'order out of chaos theory' of international society; secondly, that ego psychology can be used to analyse the foreign policy interactions of state apparats; thirdly, that psychoanalytic precepts can be used to construct a 'fourth image' of war, and finally, that the psychoanalytic model developed in this thesis intersects with the three main paradigms of modern international relations theory, namely structuralism, pluralism, and realism/idealism, which suggests that they need not be considered as mutually exclusive bodies of theory. It is concluded that the concepts elaborated in this thesis, which are illustrated by means of historical observations and case studies, constitute a theoretical model that offers a distinct view of world politics.

This thesis attempts to evaluate the processes through which members of the Group of Seventy-Seven manage to maintain the coalition. The analysis is concerned with the management of conflict within the Group and the development of cooperative strategies. The analysis focuses on the operation of the Group of Seventy-Seven in the institutional context of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD). Part One of the study consists of a detailed account of the origins of the Group of Seventy-Seven. The concrete historical circumstances which gave rise to the formation of the coalition are assessed. Part Two attempts to evaluate the importance of organisational characteristics for the development and maintenance of unity in the Group of Seventy-Seven. We investigate the salience of the UNCTAD framework for the development of persistent patterns of group behaviour. We then examine the creation and development of organisational structures and processes specific to the Group of Seventy-Seven. The transformation of the Group from a highly informal coalition to one with highly developed institutional procedures and the influence of these organisational features on coalition behaviour is analysed. Part Three of the study assesses the extent to which the negotiating positions of the Group of Seventy-Seven are affected by the existence of various cleavages within the coalition. Two detailed case-studies provide the data for an analysis of patterns of conflict and conflict management.

The proliferation of nuclear technology in the Middle East, primarily in Israel, has created a series of problems and issues for research which are dealt with in this study. A general theoretical framework within which these problems could be discussed, is suggested. First, the concept of regional sub systems of the global international system, is applied to problems of nuclear proliferation in general. Then, the effects of the proliferation of nuclear technology on the one hand, and the proliferation of nuclear weapons on the other, on the various levels of the international system, are analysed. Second, the problem of the uses of nuclear options for diplomatic and strategic bargaining, is considered here, as distinct from that of weapons themselves. A model of these uses is formulated, and two case studies, one on Israel and one, in comparative terms, on India, are investigated. The development of the nuclear option in Israel is studied within the general framework of the Israeli strategic doctrines. This development triggered a public debate in Israel on nuclear policy. This debate and the international reactions, forced the Israeli government to formulate a policy regarding problems of arms control. Both the public debate and the Israeli position on arms control are studied. The development of the Israeli nuclear option put the Arab statss and especially the Egyptian government into grave dilemmas. The reactions of the various Arab regimes to the Israeli option varied. The Egyptians had to develop a series of responses, which on their part were directed mainly at creating a deterrent against Israel 'going nuclear'. The major problem of whether the development of the Israeli option has affected the structure of the conflict between the two sides is analysed. While the development of nuclear options does not appear yet to have had any profoundly de-stabilising effect on the Middle East sub-system (and the same could be said about the Indian-Pakistani relationship), it is argued that a possible future proliferation of nuclear weapons into the Arab-Israeli region, will have destabilising effects on this region and on the Middle East sub-system in general. And it is further argued that if this proliferation is asymmetrical it might have some destabilising effects on the bipolar system as well. Thus the whole issue of nuclear proliferation in the Middle East, is put within the general framework of different levels of the international system, and the interaction between developments in a sub-system on the one hand, and the bipolar system on the other, is discussed.

This thesis addresses the question: how do individuals in a conflict society engage in peaceful dispute resolution through mediation? It provides a close look at Israeli society, in which people face daily conflicts. These include confrontations on many levels: the national, such as wars and terror attacks; the social, such as ethnic, religious and economic tensions; and the personal level, whereby the number of lawyers and legal claims per capita are among the highest in the world. The magnitude, pervasiveness, and often existential nature of these conflicts have led sociologists to label Israel a ‘conflict society’.   Mediation practice came into this society and challenged the existing ethos and norms by proposing a discourse of dialogue and cooperation. The thesis focuses on the meeting point that mediation engenders between narratives of conflict, which have developed in this environment, and the mediation processes, which set out to achieve a collaborative discourse and mutual recognition.   The fieldwork, forming the core of the thesis, consists of the observation of supervised mediation processes of civil disputes in two leading mediation centres, and interviews with professionals and key figures in the discipline. The wide variety of voices of a broad range of interviewees and many different parties provide for rich, qualitative data.   The use of the narrative‐ethnographic approach in observing mediation processes helps identify key themes in participantsʹ  narratives. The subsequent analysis leads to the insight that these mediation processes reflect, in a subtle way, the narratives, beliefs and needs of individuals in a conflict society. The findings from this study indicate that perceptions of life in a conflict society are clearly manifested through mediation processes. These place obstacles and inhibit the attainment of agreements. Yet, surprisingly, some of the findings also demonstrate an aversion to conflict and a well‐expressed desire to maintain communication and to achieve peaceful resolution.

This thesis analyses the making of West German policy towards the Portuguese dictatorship during the governments led by Willy Brandt and Marcelo Caetano, from 1968 until the dictatorship’s downfall on 25 April 1974. This case study sheds new light on the interaction between the Cold War and colonial politics, particularly on the multilateral dimension of the process of Portuguese resistance to decolonisation. Although the starting point is the bilateral relationship between the Federal Republic of Germany and Portugal, this thesis takes a multifaceted approach to the topic. It examines the role of various external and internal forces pushing for change and continuity in Bonn’s policy towards Lisbon. Research demonstrates that not only did that policy become a contentious issue internationally, it also polarised West Germany’s society, parliament and different sections of Bonn’s social-liberal coalition government. Taking this into account, my work covers the diplomatic, economic and military areas of the relations between the two states. It also addresses the parallel ties between the German Social-Democratic Party and the opposition to the dictatorship, including the Portuguese socialists and the African liberation movements. The thesis argues that, despite many impulses and pressures to assertively confront the Portuguese dictatorship’s refusal to decolonise and democratise, West German policy towards the Caetano regime remained essentially cooperative, even if becoming increasingly ambiguous over time. That option reflected the geopolitical and conceptual contradictions between adopting a more aggressive policy towards Portugal and defending Bonn’s contemporary policy of rapprochement with Eastern Europe (neue Ostpolitik). Thus this thesis illustrates the interconnectedness between the global Cold War framework and the perpetuation of colonialism in Africa.

Although the refugee protection regime is grounded in principles of international human rights and refugee law aimed at protecting individuals from abuses of state power, in practice it still privileges and produces state sovereignty. Principles of protection can become subverted to serve state interests, normalising the increasingly exceptional treatment of refugees. The tensions that result from this paradox, however, may also present opportunities for contesting and denaturalising such exceptionalism. This thesis explores this phenomenon as it emerged in the post-2003 Iraqi refugee crisis. Grounded in Agamben’s work on sovereignty and the “state of exception”, it considers how sovereignty and exceptionalism were expressed through biopolitics and governmentality in the governance of refugees. Using methods of critical legal geography, it maps and analyses how state, institutional, and individual practices reproduced, intersected with, or contested sovereignty and exceptionalism in four spaces of the Iraqi refugee crisis: the Iraqi state, host states in the region, camps in the borderlands, and resettlement. This thesis argues that Iraqi refugees, their legal status, and the spaces they occupied came to embody the contests for identity, power, and authority lodged between states, local actors, and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. In the process, the technologies of power deployed in the governance of these spaces revealed the persistence and proliferation of the logic of sovereignty. Yet at the same time, they also created opportunities to expose and un-work sovereign violence and to envision forms of protection beyond the state