Thesis (Th. M.)--Dallas Theological Seminary, 2003. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 63-70).

Thesis (Th. M.)--Dallas Theological Seminary, 2003. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 63-70).

Thesis (Th. M.)--Dallas Theological Seminary, 2003. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 63-70).

Thesis (M.A.)--Carleton University, 1995. / Also available in electronic format on the Internet.

I argue that to understand the gender dynamics of New Orleans, Hurricane Katrina, and the storm's aftermath, one must interrogate the cultural conflation of the black female body and the city's legacy to explore what it means and how it situates real black women in social, cultural, and physical landscapes. Using a hybrid theoretical framework informed by Black feminist theory, ecocriticism, critical race feminism, and post-positivist realism, I explore the connections between New Orleans' cultural and historical discourses that gender the city as feminine, more specifically as a black woman or Jezebel, with narratives of real black females to illustrate the impact that dominant discourses have on people's lives. I ground this work in Black feminism, specifically Hortense Spillers's and Patricia Hill Collins's works that center the black female body to garner a fuller understanding of social systems, Kimberlé Crenshaw's concept of intersectionality, and Evelyn Hammonds's call for a reclamation of the body to interrogate the ideologies that inscribe black women. In addition, I argue that black women should reclaim New Orleans' metaphorical black body and interrogate this history to move forward in rebuilding the city. As an ecocritic and feminist, I understand the tension involved with reading a city as feminine and arguing for this reclamation, as this echoes colonial and imperialist discourses of conquering land and bodies, but I negotiate these tensions by specifically examining the discourse itself to expose the sexist and racist ideologies at work. / Master of Arts

This study explores controlling images as essential to the representation of black women’s lives within the media, especially the comic book character, Storm from the X-Men series. The researcher uses content analysis to examine the graphic images, text and dialogue of the comic books chosen for this study. Furthermore, the researcher juxtaposes Storm to the main controlling images that Patricia Hill Collins discusses in her seminal work, Black Feminist Thought, but also to expand this discussion to include the stereotype of the Magical Negro.

African-Americans have been portrayed in stereotypical entertainment roles since their arrival into American society. Before film and television were developed, minstrel and side-shows were the source of entertainment at African-American’s expense. Minstrel shows were performed by White individuals dressed to impersonate Blacks and behaved in a White inter-pretation of Black behavior (Pieterse, 1992, pg. 134). African American women in particular were portrayed in three primary stereotypical ways: the Mammy, the Jezebel, and the Sap-phire. This research examines the relationship between the stereotypes and these historical typecasts of African-American women are relevant to Black director Tyler Perry’s popular character Mabel Simmons, better known as ‘Madea’.

The thesis mainly studies social-historical co(n)texts to understand the polemic in Revelation against the so-called ‘Jews’ and a self-professed prophetess named ‘Jezebel’ (Rev 2-3). The enquiry centres on two areas: (1) the underlying issues to the polemic against the abovenamed contenders, and (2) a reading of a polemical technique in the text against prophetess ‘Jezebel’ through a specific web of associations involving two ‘Jezebels’ and a great harlot. Preliminary studies provide the framework for the main enquiry. ‘Historical anchorage’ is attained in the echoes/allusions of the beast from the sea-abyss to emperor Titus (Ch. 2) and the ‘Satanic trio’ and their cult (Rev 13) to the Flavian dynasty and cult (Ch. 3). A real crisis for Christians is seen late in Domitian’s time involving pressure from the Flavian provincial temple, widespread false accusations of άθεότηζ άσέβεια or maiestas and pressures from Domitian’s rigorous exaction of the Jewish tax. These matters are seen to implicate both Jewish and Gentile Christians (Ch. 4). The figure of the beasts, the social pressure from the imperial cult, and the vulnerability of Christians reflected in these preliminary studies contribute to a fuller understanding of the anti-Judaistic polemic. There are reasons to think that the anti-Judaistic polemic in Rev 2:9-10 and 3:9 is not aimed at the Jewish community per se, but acts to discourage Christians from feigning affiliation with the synagogue to escape social pressure from the imperial cult. There is a growing importance of the imperial cult towards the end of the first century C.E. in Asia Minor, and a judaizing tendency among some Christians there late first century and beyond. Importantly, Rev 14:9- 11 reflects the author’s major concern about (1) participation in the imperial cult and (2) Christian ‘judaizing’ behaviour (the mark of beast as tefillin worn by outsiders to Rabbinic Judaism). Under the author’s creative hand, the beast from the land/false prophet becomes the ‘Satanic’ source of pressure to these two aspects (cf. 13:11-17; Ch. 5). The second major part demonstrates a polemical technique in the text that binds the prophetess ‘Jezebel’ with an OT Queen and the Great Harlot (Rev 17-18). Social meals with drinking parties in guilds/associations and the imperial cult could have been a common context for allurements to sexual immorality and eating idol-food that ‘Jezebel’ advocates. I construct a picture of the prophetess ‘Jezebel’, who perhaps doubles as a patroness of a trade guild incorporating members from the Thyatiran church. Pagan ‘mysteries’ could have been a part of her activities (Ch. 6). I also examine the Great Harlot within the Graeco-Roman context giving attention to her depiction as tyrannical and sexually immoral queens and assimilated goddesses, such as Isis, Cybele, Aphrodite and Roma (Ch. 7). The OT Queen Jezebel is also studied within her social-historical context. She is seen to take on the image of the ‘woman at the window’ (2 Kgs 9:30), reflective of goddess Astarte or her temple servant. Her role as the ‘הבׂבג’ (great lady; 2 Kgs 10:13) and queen mother also fits that of another goddess, Asherah, whose prophets she hosts (Ch. 8). The destruction of Queen Jezebel and that of the Great Harlot contain a polemic against pagan deities they both embody. The prophetess veering into pagan grounds of idolatry is bound tightly with them and is indirectly castigated for her syncretistic practices (Ch. 9). Overall, the author’s polemic in Revelation acts to deter Christians from veering into the grounds of ‘Satan’—the imperial cult and the synagogue (as the author puts it)—and against behaviours, such as sexual license and eating food offered to idols, that would allow Christians to easily enter contexts involving pagan worship.

This study investigates the representation of women's reproductive rights in the feminist blogopshere during 2009/10 United States health care reform. Focusing on two purposively selected feminist blogsites - Feministing and Jezebel- it critically examines the discursive and rhetorical strategies employed by feminist bloggers to contest the erosion of women's reproductive rights as proposed in health care reform legislation. While the reformation of the U.S. health care system was a lengthy process, my analysis is confined to feminist blog posts published in November 2009, December 2009 and March 2010. These three months have been designated as they are roughly representative of three pivotal stages in health care reform: the drafting of the House of Representatives health care reform bill and Stupak Amendment in November 2009, the creation of the Senate health care bill inclusive of the Nelson compromise in December 2009, and the passage of the finalised health care reform bill, the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act and supplementary executive order, in March 2010. This study is informed by feminist poststructuralist theory and Foucault's conceptions of discourse and power - an appropriate framework for identifying and analysing the unequal power relations that exist between men and women in patriarchal societies. Foucault conceives of discourse as both socially constituted and constitutive and contends that through the constitution of knowledge, discourses designate acceptable ways of talking, writing, and behaving, while simultaneously restricting and prohibiting alternatives, thereby granting power and authority to specific discourses. However, Foucault also stresses the multi-directionality of power and asserts that though hegemonic discourses are privileged over others, power lays in discursive practice at all social sites; hence the socially and politically transformative power of contesting discourses. Critical discourse analysis is informed by this critical theory of language and regards the use of language as a form of social practice located within its specific historical context. Therefore, it is through engaging in the struggle over meaning and producing different 'truths' through the reappropriation of language that the possibility of social change exists. Employing narrative, linguistic and rhetorical analysis, this study identifies the discursive strategies and tactics utilised by feminist bloggers to combat and contest anti-choice health care legislation. The study further seeks to determine how arguments supportive of women's reproductive rights are framed and how feminist discourses are privileged while patriarchal discourse is contested. Drawing on public sphere theory, I argue that the feminist blogosphere constitutes a counter-public which facili tates the articulation and circulation of marginalised and counter-discourses. I conclude this study by examining the feminist blogopshere's role in promoting political change and transformation through alternative representations of women and their reproductive rights.

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