據稿本複印 / 論文(碩士)--香港中文大學傳播學系,1992. / 附參考文獻 / 黃慕嫻. / Chapter I、 --- 緒論 --- p.1 / Chapter II、 --- 發展理論的回顧 --- p.4 / Chapter 一、 --- 發展的概念 --- p.4 / Chapter 二、 --- 發展與現代化 --- p.7 / Chapter 三、 --- 依賴理論與發展 --- p.10 / Chapter III、 --- 發展概念的再思 一一從亞洲四小龍的發展模式想起 --- p.21 / Chapter IV、 --- 「發展新聞」與國家發展 --- p.28 / Chapter V、 --- 極權主義和社會責任的報業模式 --- p.37 / Chapter 一、 --- 極權主義論 --- p.38 / Chapter 二、 --- 社會責任論 --- p.38 / Chapter VI、 --- 本硏究之假設 --- p.44 / Chapter VII、 --- 台灣的發展 --- p.46 / Chapter 一、 --- 台灣的國家發展 --- p.46 / Chapter 二、 --- 台灣的報業發展 --- p.57 / Chapter VI、 --- 硏究方法 --- p.66 / Chapter 一、 --- 發展新聞的界定 --- p.66 / Chapter 二、 --- 選樣方法 --- p.68 / Chapter 三、 --- 量度方法 --- p.71 / Chapter IX、 --- 結果分折 --- p.73 / Chapter X、 --- 總結 --- p.93 / Chapter 一、 --- 結論 --- p.93 / Chapter 二、 --- 對發展新聞與社會責任報業 模式的一點意見 --- p.95 / Chapter 三、 --- 本硏究的限制 --- p.97 / Chapter 附錄（一）： --- 「發展新聞學與國家發展一一 台灣個案硏究」準測試報告 --- p.99 / Chapter 附錄（二）： --- 台灣國民生產毛額曲線圖（1951-1976) --- p.110 / 台灣國民生產毛額曲線圖（1981-1990) / 台灣國民所得曲線圖（1951-1976) / 台灣國民所得曲線圖（1981-1990) / 台灣經濟指標一覽表（1955-1979) / 台灣歷次經濟計劃概要一覽表（1955-1989) / 台灣社團與成員數（1950-1982) / 台灣地區歷年選舉競爭程度表（1954-1977) / 聯合報及自立晚報發展新聞總數量的變化(1956-1989) / 聯合報及自立晚報發展新聞內容分佈百分比圖表（1956-1989) / 聯合報及自立晚報發展新聞正負面報導的百分比圖表(1956-1989) / 聯合報及自立晚報發展新聞「讃揚」及「批 評」政府新聞百分比圖表（1956-1989) / 聯合報及自立晚報發展新聞「政府」及「其 他人士」作消息來源的報導百分比圖表 (1956-1989) / 聯合報及自立晚報發展新聞「軍方消息來源 」及「多方消息來源」的報導百分比圖 表（1956-1989) / 參考書目 / Reference

香港在主流革命史學的敘述中一般被認為是推動辛亥革命的「搖籃」，但在革命黨人之外的社會大眾，對「革命」究竟有怎樣的取態？《香港華字日報》是這段時期香港銷量最大的華文報紙，仔細考察該報創辦的歷史及其1909-1913年的政治取態，可見該報是華商陳氏家族的一份現代產業，並無黨派認同，報紙內容與宗旨也頗具現代傳媒的新聞專業主義色彩，強調「中立」而較少傳統「文人論政」情懷。 / 本文選取1909-1913年的《香港華字日報》，剖析這五年的報紙中與「革命」相關的內容細節，認為這份報紙對「革命」並非積極推動，取態反而偏於保守，並順應時勢而調整：辛亥前報紙展現的「革命」介於傳統和現代之間，既是「犯上作亂」的傳統造反，又是謀求民族獨立、政治改良的現代革命；而辛亥之後，報紙不滿意革命黨建立的地方政府，轉而支持中央而強烈反對革命黨的「二次革命」。這樣的取態既反映了部份以往未得到充分審視的社會輿論，也與報紙自身的立場及處境有關。 / Hong Kong is understood as the "birthplace" of the 1911 Revolution in mainstream studies of the Chinese Revolution. But besides the revolutionaries, how did ordinary people understand "revolution"? Wah Tsz Yat Po was the most widely circulated Chinese language newspaper in Hong Kong during the period concerned. The thesis is an in-depth study of the newspaper’s founding history and its political stance during 1909-1913. It is found that the newspaper was a modernised property owned by the Chan family in Hong Kong. It did not have political affiliations. Its content and objectives showed the newspaper’s emphasis on journalistic professionalism that was similar to that held by modern day mass media, preferring "neutrality" over the tradition of providing political comments. / The thesis closely examines the content of Wah Tsz Yat Po that was related to revolution during 1909-1913. It proposes that the newspaper did not play an active role in promoting revolution. Its stance was rather conservative instead and changed in accordance with political developments. Before the revolution of 1911, the newspaper regarded "revolution" as something between tradition and modernity. It was understood as a "rebellion against the authorities" in the traditional sense and also as a way to attain national independence and political reform in the modern sense. After 1911, the newspaper was against the local government set up by the revolutionists. It then turned its support to Yuan’s central government and took a strong oppositional stance towards "the Second Revolution" initiated by Sun’s revolutionary party. Its stance not only reflected some of the public opinions that were not fully examined but was also related to the newspaper’s own position and situation as well. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 典典. / Parallel title from added title page. / Thesis (M.Phil.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2014. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 98-107). / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Dian Dian.

by Tak-hung Fung. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1990. / Bibliography: leaves i-v. / ABSTRACT / CHAPTERS / Chapter 1. --- Introduction --- p.1 / Chapter 2. --- News framing / Chapter 2.1 --- The Concept of News Frames --- p.4 / Chapter 2.2 --- The Formation of News Frames --- p.5 / Chapter 3. --- Routine Mode Vs Crisis Mode / Chapter 3.1 --- Definition of Crisis --- p.14 / Chapter 3.2 --- Framing the News: Routine and Crisis --- p.15 / Chapter 3.3 --- Routine Mode vs Crisis Mode: A Comparison --- p.19 / Chapter 4. --- The Press Structure in Hong Kong / Chapter 4.1 --- The Political Press --- p.21 / Chapter 4.2 --- The Commercial Press --- p.22 / Chapter 4.3 --- Framing Chinese News: The Routine Mode --- p.23 / Chapter 5. --- "Hypotheses, The Case and Methodology" / Chapter 5.1 --- Hypotheses --- p.27 / Chapter 5.2 --- The Case --- p.28 / Chapter 5.3 --- Research Method --- p.31 / Chapter 6. --- Dissensus in Routine Mode: The First Stage / Chapter 6.1 --- Key Events During the First Stage --- p.34 / Chapter 6.2 --- The Leftist Press --- p.35 / Chapter 6.3 --- The Commercial Press --- p.43 / Chapter 6.4 --- The Rightist Press --- p.46 / Chapter 6.5 --- Summary --- p.49 / Chapter 7 --- From Routine To Crisis: The Second Stage / Chapter 7.1 --- Key Events During the Second Stage --- p.54 / Chapter 7.2 --- The Leftist Press --- p.55 / Chapter 7.3 --- The Commercial Press --- p.68 / Chapter 7.4 --- The Rightist Press --- p.74 / Chapter 7.5 --- Summary --- p.77 / Chapter 8 --- Consensus In Crisis / Chapter 8.1 --- Key Events During the Third Stage --- p.79 / Chapter 8.2 --- Framing The Crisis --- p.79 / Chapter 9. --- Return To Normalcy / Chapter 9.1 --- The Leftist Press --- p.90 / Chapter 9.2 --- The Commercial Press --- p.95 / Chapter 9.3 --- Reporting the Anniversary Under the Routine Mode --- p.96 / Chapter 10. --- The Newsroom In Crisis / Chapter 10.1 --- The Leftist Press --- p.99 / Chapter 10.2 --- The Commercial Press --- p.108 / Chapter 10.3 --- The Rightist Press --- p.112 / Chapter 11. --- Discussion and Conclusion --- p.113 / BIBLIOGRAPHY

An investigation of Newsweek, U.S. News and World Report, and Time's content emphasis in articles focusing on the 1980 presidential primary season was conducted in this study. The content emphasis was broken down into four categories: "horserace," "issues," "candidates' personal qualifications," and "other." The categories of "issues" and "candidates' personal qualifications" were combined to form the "substantive" category for the purpose of learning whether the content emphasis of the articles fell into either the "horserace" or "substantive" category.The unit of analysis for this study was the paragraph and a panel of coders was used to determine paragraph classifications. If a paragraph was classified "horserace" its emphasis was entertainment, portraying the campaign as a contest. If a paragraph was classified "substantive" its emphasis was information, concentrating on the issues of the campaign and the qualifications of the candidates.The researcher totaled the raw scores and the percentages of the categories to learn which type of content emphasis was being practiced by the magazines. To substantiate the level of significance in the differences of the raw scores the chi-square test was employed.Findings of the raw score totals in the four categories indicated that 61 percent of the 327 randomly selected paragraphs were classified as having "horserace" content emphasis, 10 percent were classified "issues," 19.3 percent were classified "candidates' personal qualifications," and 9.5 percent were classified "other." The "issues" and "candidates' personal qualifications" categories were combined and represented 29.3 percent.Chi-square tests showed that there were significantly less "substantive" paragraphs than "horserace" paragraphs overall, and Time magazine's coverage was the closest in balance between the two categories.The time period of this study was January 7, 1980 through June 16, 1980. This study also found that Newsweek had the largest amount of campaign coverage with 52 stories in 24 issues; next was Time with 41 stories in 19 issues; followed by U.S. News and World Report with 24 stories about the primary campaign and candidates in 18 issues.

published_or_final_version / Journalism and Media Studies Centre / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

香港主權移交中國以後，傳媒雖維持獨立自主和商業運作的模式，但過往的研究發現，政治力量對新聞的影響越來越大。例如新聞機構對新聞內容施行政治審查和媒體機構老闆及高層接受政治任命。這是否意味香港新聞界正衰失它的獨立性？本文研究香港新聞界的獨立性在1997 年後的政治融合中如何被構成。 / 政治經濟學派和美國組織研究著重新聞界如何抗衡外部對新聞獨立性的影響，但究竟新聞獨立性是什麼？新聞獨立性與專業性之間有何關係？這方面的討論十分缺乏。本文提出以布迪爾〈Pierre Bourdieu〉理論補充對新聞獨立性的理解，並以布迪爾理論為基礎，整理出一個場域理論框架以分析新聞界的獨立性。布迪爾的理論認為新聞獨立性是一個相對的理念，而且會隨著社會變遷而改變。場域理論框架幫助理解外界壓力如何影響新聞獨立性，和解答為何某些記者有較大新聞獨立性。本研究組合了布迪爾的慣習〈habitus〉慨念和根據布廸爾理論而建構的決意〈commitment〉概念來分析不同記者行使不同新聞獨立性的狀況。 / 本研究顯示，由於政治環境的變化，香港新聞界自八十年代起由政黨新聞範式轉換為客觀新聞範式。在1997 年前後，新聞界面臨需要融入新政體的壓力。本文以香港的中國新聞記者為分析個案，檢視政治融合壓力下的新聞報導工作和記者的獨立性有何轉變。本文的研究對象─中國新聞記者〈或稱中國組記者〉是指在香港媒體工作、專職報導中國新聞的香港記者。本研究選擇他們作研究個案是因為他們位處中港融合的前線。本研究共訪問了二十二名記者，另外亦從中國組記者的著作及演講中搜集研究材料。 / 研究發現，香港的中國新聞報導正在「去政治化」。雖然記者察覺到新聞的製作過程存在政治審查，但他們在採訪時選擇配合官方─包括參加由官方安排的採訪團、使用內地媒體的內容和以官方發言作平衡報導。當記者認為自己正在客觀地報導，他們不覺察在政治力量對新聞製作的影響。本文分析記者的工作流程和新聞內容，發現中國新聞的去政治化正侵蝕新聞獨立性。此外，根據記者個人的文化資本和對報導中國的決意程度，本研究將中國組記者分成三類：局外記者、局內記者及共融記者。局外記者抗拒融入中國內地，但不察覺客觀報導包括的政治性。局內記者受他們的文化資本限制，不察覺資料來源和工作流程中存在的政治影響。擁有高文化資本和對聞工作高度投入的共融記者，由於對新聞工作有所反思，建立了一套對抗政治限制的報導策略，亦令他們能維持較高獨立性。 / Studies show that there has been an increase in political influence on the news media in Hong Kong during national reintegration. Although Hong Kong media has appeared to retain much of its autonomy and seems to continue to exercise control over its commercial media system to a large extent, the Chinese State has been active in co-opting media owners and senior management, and there have been some instances of political censorship within media organizations. Does this imply the loss of professional autonomy in the Hong Kong journalistic field? This study sets out to examine the constitution of journalistic autonomy during the period of national reintegration in Hong Kong. / Theoretically, this study enriches the understandings on journalistic autonomy by bringing in Bourdieu’s theory of field. Political economists and American organizational studies both place stress on resisting the influences of political and economic forces on journalistic autonomy. But is autonomy only defined by resistance? Journalists commonly believe that journalistic professionalism can help them to retain autonomy. But professionalism does not necessarily bring autonomy. This study incorporates Bourdieu’s field theory to understand journalistic autonomy as it helps to understand autonomy as a relative concept. Also, Bourdieu’s concept of field and habitus can help us to understand not only the interaction between the journalistic field and other fields and how that constitutes the degree of autonomy, but also to consider autonomy on an individual level ─ the autonomy that individual journalists can achieve. Based on Bourdieu’s theory of field, a field-analytic model of journalistic autonomy is constructed. Especially, this study integrates Bourdieu’s concept of habitus and the concept of commitment developed from Bourdieu’ theory to understand the degree of autonomy that journalists can achieve in their work. With these ideas, a new entry point into the study of journalistic autonomy in social change is opened. / This study finds that since the 1980s, Hong Kong’s journalistic field has shifted from partisan journalism to objective journalism in order to resist the turbulent political environment. In recent years, research on the Hong Kong news media has documented the threat to journalistic autonomy from pro-China political power. The present study chooses to focus on the China-beat reporters as a case study to examine the constitution of journalistic autonomy through an analysis of journalistic practice. China-beat journalists are the journalists who report on China for the Hong Kong media. The reason for focusing on China-beat journalists in this study is that they are at the frontier of the battlefield between the journalistic field and the political field. For this research, I conducted in-depth interviews with twenty-two journalists, and examined books and public talks related to China reporting. / Findings of this study reveal the de-politicization of China reporting. Though journalists are aware of the censorship on reporting, they are co-opted into the institutionalization of the Chinese State by joining official press tours, sourcing from Mainland media outlets and official press conferences, and balancing their reports with interviews with government spokespersons. While journalists perceive these practices as exercising objective reporting, they are unconscious of the political power embedded in these interactions. The de-politicization of China reporting in recent years reflects the erosion of autonomy as many journalistic practices are aligned with political power, and this is reflected in the news content. This study finds that journalists’ cultural capital and commitment in the field constitute different form of journalistic autonomy. According to these two criteria, China-beat journalists are categorized into three types: Detached journalists, Attached journalists, and Synthesized journalists. The labels describe their cultural and emotional attachment in between Hong Kong and Mainland China. Detached journalists resist integration with China but neglect the blind spot of the political character of objective journalism. Attached journalists’ career paths are constrained by their cultural capital, and they fail to see the political forces embedded in news sourcing and journalistic practice. The high cultural capital and commitment of Synthesized journalists help them to be reflexive in journalistic work, which helps them to articulate their own autonomy and gain skills to resist the growing domination of political forces in the journalistic field. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Tsui, Yuen Sze. / Thesis (Ph.D.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2014. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 183-194). / Abstracts also in Chinese; includes Chinese.

陳景祥. / 據稿本複印 / 論文(哲學碩士)--香港中文大學硏究院新聞傳播系,1993. / 參考文獻: leaves 103-107 / Chen Jingxiang. / Chapter 第1章 --- 前言：研究範圍 頁數 / 政治系统的劇變 --- p.1-6 / 本地政黨的背景及政治傾向 --- p.6-14 / 香港的傳媒系統 --- p.14-15 / 政治系统和傳媒系统的關係 --- p.15-18 / Chapter 第2章 --- 理論架構 / 國家控制大眾傳媒的程度 --- p.19 / 傳媒和政治精英的整合 --- p.19-20 / 大眾傳媒的政黨化程度 --- p.20-21 / 傳媒機構的「合法綱領」的本質 --- p.21-22 / 香港報紙與本地政黨的關係 --- p.22-23 / 香港報業的商業化主流 --- p.23-26 / Chapter 第3章 --- 假設 / 商業報紙的「客觀報道」 --- p.27-29 / 黨派報紙的政治路線 --- p.29-30 / Chapter 第4章 --- 硏究方法及操作 / 選擇四份報章 --- p.31-38 / 關於「客觀」的爭論 --- p.38-39 / 内容分析的設計 --- p.39-42 / 訪問 --- p.42-44 / Chapter 第5章 --- 研究結果 --- p.45-46 / 新聞報道的類別分布 --- p.46 -47 / 新聞來源的分布 --- p.47 -48 / 四份報紙的報道方向 --- p.49-66 / 研究結果與假設 --- p.67-69 / 訪問結果 --- p.70-84 / Chapter 第6章 --- 討論 / 客觀報道仍是新聞界最高原則 --- p.85 -89 / 傳媒和政治精英的整合 --- p.89 -92 / 報紙和本地政黨保持距離 --- p.92-93 / 中國經濟力量影響報業發展 --- p.93-96 / 商業報紙在新政治環境中的定位 --- p.96-99 / Chapter 第7章 --- 結論 --- p.100-102 / 附錄一：參考書目 --- p.103´ؤ107 / 附錄二至附錄八 --- p.108´ؤ116

作者何良懋. / 論文(哲學碩士) -- 香港中文大學硏究院傳播學部, 1996. / 參考文献 : leaves 83-92. / zuo zhe He Liangmao. / 序言 --- p.5 / Chapter 第一章 --- 緖論 --- p.7 / Chapter 第一節 --- 香港報紙與現 --- p.7 / Chapter 第二節 --- 過渡期的新華社角色 --- p.8 / Chapter 第三節 --- 中國版的掘起 --- p.9 / Chapter 第二章 --- 硏究重點 --- p.11 / Chapter 第三章 --- 理論探討 --- p.14 / Chapter 第一節 --- 組織與環境關係 --- p.14 / Chapter 第二節 --- 組織間(interorganizational)問題 --- p.21 / Chapter 第三節 --- 組織內(intraorganizational)問題 --- p.23 / Chapter (一） --- 守門人角 色 --- p.23 / Chapter (二） --- 新聞室的社會控制 --- p.24 / Chapter (三） --- 新聞組織科層特 色 --- p.24 / Chapter (四） --- 組織文化 --- p.26 / Chapter 第四章 --- 硏究方法 --- p.28 / Chapter 第一節 --- 選取報紙 --- p.38 / Chapter 第二節 --- 選取報紙的特點 --- p.32 / Chapter 第三節 --- 硏究時限 --- p.36 / Chapter 第四節 --- 專訪問題設計 --- p.36 / Chapter 第五節 --- 論文硏究方法 --- p.37 / Chapter 第五章 --- 研究結果 --- p.40 / Chapter 第一節 --- 過渡期政治衝擊波 --- p.40 / 環境因素一：權力中心與傳媒 --- p.41 / 環境因素二 ：限制採訪大陸 --- p.43 / 組織因素一：報業意識形態 --- p.44 / 組織因素二 ：報業主的控制 --- p.46 / Chapter 第二節 --- 政治過渡下中國報道的變化 --- p.49 / Chapter (一） --- 版面結構變 化 --- p.49 / Chapter (二） --- 「中國線」（China Beat)確立 --- p.51 / Chapter (三） --- 中國新聞來源 --- p.53 / Chapter (四） --- 開拓新聞人才資 源 --- p.56 / Chapter 第三節 --- 過渡期中國版編輯策略 --- p.58 / Chapter (一） --- 非政治化包裝手 法 --- p.58 / Chapter 1. --- 商品化取向(commodification) --- p.60 / Chapter 2. --- 本土歸化取向（domestication) --- p.62 / Chapter (二） --- 中國版：量變與質 變 --- p.64 / Chapter 第四節 --- 個案分析：扣壓中國新聞 --- p.72 / Chapter 第六章 --- 討論與總結 --- p.76 / 參考文獻 --- p.83 / 附錄1 ：深度訪談名單 --- p.93 / 附錄2 ：專訪問題 --- p.94

University of Macau / Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities / Department of Communication

This dissertation studies the new class of political fact-checkers, journalists who specialize in assessing the truth of public claims -- and who, it is argued, constitute a professional reform movement reaching to the center of the elite US news media. In less than a decade this emergent genre of news has become a basic feature of political coverage. It figures prominently in national debates and commands the direct attention of elite political actors, who respond publicly to the fact-checkers and dedicate staff to dealing with them, especially during electoral campaigns. This study locates fact-checking in a wider practice of "annotative journalism," with precursors in the muckraking tradition in American news, which has come into flower in an online media environment characterized by promiscuous borrowing and annotation. Participant observation and content analysis are used together to examine the day-to-day work of the news organizations leading the fact-checking movement. This approach documents the specific and forceful critique of conventional journalistic practice which the fact-checkers enact in their newswork routines and in their public and private discourse. Fact-checkers are a species of practical epistemologists, who seek to reform and thus to preserve the objectivity norm in American journalism, even as their daily work runs up against the limits of objective factual analysis. In politics, they acknowledge, "facts can be subjective." Fact-checkers are also active participants in an emerging news ecosystem in which stories develop, and authority is constructed, in patterns of citation and annotation across discursive networks of media and political actors. This study demonstrates how attention to these media-political networks subtly informs and constrains the work of producing objective assessments of factual claims. And it suggests that the objective status of the fact-checkers themselves can be seen as a function of their position in media-political networks, reproduced in formal and informal partnerships and, most immediately, in the pattern of outlets which cite and quote and link to them. This perspective helps to account for the surprising limits of the political critique offered by professional fact-checkers, who argue for a more honest, fearless journalism but carefully avoid the largest and most controversial political conclusions that emerge from their own work. In seeking to redefine objective practice for a changed media environment, the new genre of fact-checking underscores the essentially defensive nature of what has been called the "strategic ritual" of journalistic objectivity.