This thesis interrogates how China influences one of its neighboring regions, Southeast Asia, in the aspect of media. Issues of how China's growing influence extends to media coverage and framing of news involving China and China's engagement in Southeast Asia have been brought up but has not been examined with empirical evidence. The research questions of this thesis concern how China is presented in local reporting in Southeast Asian media and why it is framed as it is portrayed in news media in the region. This research considers whether China's political and financial interests through media ownership, funding, soft power, and other factors are exerting influence on media coverage in Southeast Asia. Drawing on theoretical contributions from the theory of the political economy of media, comparative media systems theory and the theory of public diplomacy, the thesis assesses the situations based on a case study of the Philippines, Thailand and Cambodia by collecting and analyzing empirical data from these three Southeast Asian countries. The mix-method approach has been adopted in this study, which includes a quantitative content analysis on the news content of the selected Southeast Asian newspapers, and a qualitative analysis depending on semi-structured interviews with local media practitioners who share their understanding of journalistic routines and personal experiences in reporting China-related news in the field study. Some noteworthy findings have been drawn from the analysis. China has observable impacts on the media content in the Philippines, Thailand and Cambodia, limited to certain aspects in relation to China's growing regional power. Philippine newspapers adopt considerably more negative frames than newspapers of Thailand and Cambodia. There are unwritten guidelines in their news outlets and certain principles that media practitioners in Southeast Asia need to follow when covering China-related issues.

本文從技術的政治經濟學視角，觀察中國上世紀七十年代末八十年代的廣播電視大學運動，主要采用文獻分析的方法，試圖去回答，爲什麽電大教育會從單位辦學制、個人自學制、學校辦學制這三種模式存走向單一的學校辦學體制？在電大運動所歸屬的更大的高教去國家化運動當中，爲什麽社會自治主義、新自由主義與電大教育接合失敗，而國家主義却成功了？爲了回答這些或具體或抽象的問題，本文在前人研究的基礎上提出了「新發展主義」的概念作爲分析工具，指出「效率範式」是七十年代末八十年代新發展主義的主要再現形式，它有追求「生産效率優先」和「成本效率」的兩個方面。在「發展主義範式轉移」的語境下，電大運動是國家以「技術動員」的方式徵用社會經濟資本實現人力資本積累的表現。通過使用新發展主義的「集中性-去集中性」這一對框架性工具，本文指出了社會自治主義表現爲「兩種效率衝突」以及「教育低效」的「反效率」，以及新自由主義表現爲「配置低效」的「反效率」，而與之相比，國家主義反倒因爲教育專業主義和機會平等政治的追求，而與新發展主義的效率追求形成了一致性。新發展主義與社會自治主義、新自由主義和國家主義在這一時期的「接合」與「接合失敗」，是單位辦學制與個人自學制的衰落，以及「公立非公費」的「學校辦學制」日漸崛起的原因。此外，本文從「新發展主義」出發，還提出了「改革辯證法」的認識論，作爲從「改革之交」理解共産中國的一種嘗試。 / From the perspective of political economy of technology, this research aims to analyze the Chinese Broadcasting and Television University Movement(TVUM) , and to answer two sets of questions: 1) During the TVUM in late 1970s and 1980s, why did the "university-organized learning" model rise? Why did the "danwei-organized learning" model and the "self-learning" model decline simultaneously? 2) Why was the TVUM articulated with Statism successfully? Why did the articulation of the TVUM with Social Autonomism and Neo-liberalism fail ? Documentary analysis is the main research method. In order to answer the questions above, this research constructs the efficiency-oriented model to illustrate and explain Chinese economic development in late 1979s and 1980s. In the context of the paradigm shift of developmentalism, the TVUM took it as the main purpose to promote the accumulation of human capital. In contrast with the "anti-efficiency" of Social Autonomism and Neo-liberalism, this research identifies that Statism unexpectedly presents its consistency with the effenciency-oriented model by combining the professionalism of education and equal-opportunity politics. The rise and the declination in the TVUM are attributed to the success and the failure of articulation with the efficenecy-oriented model respectively. Moreover, this research preliminarily constructs "the dialectics of the reform" as the perspective of interpreting Communist China for further research. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 劉阳. / Thesis (Ph.D.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2015. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 184-192). / Abstracts also in Chinese. / Liu, Yang.

Besides, it finds that China's social structure indeed transformed as the unintended consequence of the agents' hegemonic struggles. Though both China's mass media and the burgeoning Internet society have not yet developed as a civil society, and the rational-critical discourse has not acquired consensus among the society, this study adopts an optimistic attitude towards them, yet, of course, the final answers indeed lie in the agents' own hands. / By examining Chinese nationalistic discourse from discursive relations and the structural perspective, this study tries to combine "structure-agency", stressing both the deeper structural reasons in shaping nationalistic discourse and power relations amongst the four agents, as well as the active role of agents in promoting the transformation of social structures through such hegemonic struggles. Besides, considering China's social structure as a dynamic transitional process, and examining in which respect the four agents' hegemonic struggles contribute to the transformation of social structure, this study also goes beyond the dominant paradigm that regards the "state-society" as a static structure, especially in the field of communication study. Moreover, putting mass media into a broader social context, this thesis hopes to make a contribution to the study of the "publicness" of China's mass media and the role of the mass media and the Internet society in promoting democratic discourse and the formation of a civil society. This study finds that in the past thirty years, Chinese nationalistic discourse experienced significant change from intellectual-led to the CCP-led, and then, to netizen-led. Such change reflected the fierce hegemonic. struggles among the four agents and the transitional power relations amongst them. Yet, fundamentally, it is the changing economic-political-cultural (media) structure in China's thirty years that shaped the power relations amongst the four agents and the features of hegemonic nationalistic discourse. Especially, it finds that market economy, combined with the authoritarian political structure, tends to promote radical nationalistic discourse, rather than a democratic and rational discourse as the consensus among the society. Then, China's media commercialization, operating under the dual logic of the state and market, further radicalized such radical anti-western discourse. The Internet society that emerged in the 2000s sharply decentralized China's authoritarian political structure. Yet, under the marketized authoritarian structure, the rational-critical discourse still cannot acquire the hegemonic status. / Considering nationalism as an important political issue, China's Party-state has always paid considerable attention towards acquiring the leading status for its official patriotic discourse. Yet, the mass media, intellectuals and the ordinary citizens all strived to influence the nationalistic discourse, and as a result, the fierce power struggles unfolded amongst the four agents. Such power struggles were dynamic with the rise of the Chinese nationalistic sentiment during the past thirty years. Accordingly, Chinese nationalism becomes an ideal approach to study contemporary China's power relations and its transitions. / The main aim of this thesis is to examine power relations among the Party-state, intellectuals, mass media and the ordinary citizens, the four agents that are involved in the hegemonic struggle for the leading position of nationalistic discourse in the thirty years' "reform and opening" era, and explain the features and transitions of China's nationalistic discourse and the power relations behind it from the political-economic-cultural (media) structure perspectives. / Three nationalistic cases - TV-documentary Heshang ( River Elegy) in 1988, the anti-NATO bombing of the Chinese Embassy in Belgrade in 1999, and the anti-Tibet Independence movement in 2008 - will be analyzed in detail in this thesis. They were selected because these are unique cases that could clearly illustrate the relationships of the four agents and the political context during that historical period. Then, the critical realism-based hegemony approach will be suggested as a new theoretical framework in this study. From this approach, on the one hand, Chinese nationalism will be considered as a hegemonic field in which all four agents struggled in for the hegemonic status of nationalistic discourse. Accordingly, we can examine the nationalistic discourses/projects promoted by the four agents, their discursive struggles and the dynamic process of how one's nationalistic discourse acquires hegemonic status in each case. In this process, the power relations among the four agents can also be explored clearly. On the other hand, since the critical realism perspective pays attention to the dialectical relations between structure and agency, this approach can help us explore how China's transitional structures in the past thirty years - from totalitarian state to authoritarian state, from planned commodity economy to socialist market economy, and from a media market to the Internet society - shaped the power relations amongst the four agents and the hegemonic nationalistic discourse, as well as how their hegemonic power struggles contribute to the transformation of China's social structure. Moreover, the critical discourse analysis can help us clarify such issues from three levels: text/discourse, power relationships/ discursive struggles, and social structure. / Zhao, Jing. / Adviser: Anthony Yin Him Fung. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 73-04, Section: A, page: . / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 255-270). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [201-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstract also in Chinese.

莫麗明. / 打字複印本. / Thesis (M.A.)--香港中文大學硏究院新聞與傳播學部. / Da zi fu yin ben. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 97-102). / Mo Liming. / Thesis (M.A.)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue yan jiu yuan xin wen yu chuan bao xue bu. / Chapter 第一章 --- 導論 --- p.1 / Chapter 一、一 --- 前言 --- p.2 / Chapter 一、二 --- 研究目的及範圍 --- p.3 / Chapter 一、三 --- 基本概念 --- p.4 / Chapter 一、四 --- 研究之問題 --- p.6 / Chapter 一、五 --- 研究的特點及限制 --- p.6 / Chapter 一、六 --- 囘顧「一九九七」 --- p.7 / Chapter 第二章 --- 文獻同顧一處境理論 --- p.12 / Chapter 二、一 --- 處境理論簡介 --- p.13 / Chapter 二、二 --- 處境變項和認知處境的類型 --- p.14 / Chapter 二、二、一 --- 問題的認知 --- p.14 / Chapter 二、二、二 --- 問題限制的認知 --- p.15 / Chapter 二、二、三 --- 問題的關切性 --- p.17 / Chapter 二、二、四 --- 参考準則 --- p.18 / Chapter 二、三 --- 傳播行為 --- p.19 / Chapter 二、四 --- 認知類型的傳播行為 --- p.22 / Chapter 二、四、一 --- 認知處境的類型 --- p.22 / Chapter 二、四、二 --- 樂觀型的傳播行為 --- p.24 / Chapter 二、四、三 --- 拘束型的傳播行為 --- p.24 / Chapter 二、四、四 --- 常規型的傳播行為 --- p.25 / Chapter 二、四、五 --- 悲觀型的傳播行為 --- p.25 / Chapter 二、四、六 --- 問題關切性對認知類型的傳播行為之影响 --- p.25 / Chapter 二、四、七 --- 参考架構對認知類型的傳播行為之影响 --- p.26 / Chapter 第三章 --- 研究方法 --- p.27 / Chapter 三、一 --- 基本概念的運作定義 --- p.28 / Chapter 三、二 --- 研究假設 --- p.29 / Chapter 三、二、一 --- 認知類型與傳播行為 --- p.30 / Chapter 三、二、二 --- 問題的關切性與類型的傳播行為 --- p.31 / Chapter 三、二、三 --- 内在参考架構與類型的傳播行為 --- p.31 / Chapter 三、三 --- 測量方法一問卷設計 --- p.32 / Chapter 三、四 --- 抽樣 --- p.34 / Chapter 三、五 --- 資料搜集 --- p.35 / Chapter 三、六 --- 分析方法 --- p.36 / Chapter 笫四章 --- 研究結果 --- p.38 / Chapter 四、一 --- 選樣學生的基本特徵 --- p.39 / Chapter 四、一、一 --- 學生的背景資料 --- p.39 / Chapter 四、一、二 --- 學生對四個處境變項的認知程度 --- p.41 / Chapter 四、一、三 --- 學生的傳播行為 --- p.47 / Chapter 四、二 --- 四種類型的學生分佈及特徵 --- p.52 / Chapter 四、二、一 --- 四種類型的學生分佈情況 --- p.52 / Chapter 四、二、二 --- 不同類型學生的背景資料 --- p.53 / Chapter 四、二、三 --- .不同類型學生對處境變項之認知程度 --- p.56 / Chapter 四、三 --- 不同類型學生的傳播行為 --- p.59 / Chapter 四、三、一 --- 接觸新聞的頻密程度 --- p.59 / Chapter 四、三、二 --- 留意「九七」新聞内容的詳細程度 --- p.62 / Chapter 四、三、三 --- 使用傳媒的頻密程度 --- p.63 / Chapter 四、三、四 --- 傳媒的有效程度 --- p.65 / Chapter 四、三、五 --- 小結 --- p.66 / Chapter 四、四 --- 問題關切性、政治態度、政治興趣對於樂觀型、拘束型兩類學生傳播行為之影响 --- p.67 / Chapter 四、四、一 --- 類型與問題的關切性 --- p.67 / Chapter 四、四、二 --- 類型與政治態度 --- p.68 / Chapter 四、四、三 --- 類型與政治興趣 --- p.69 / Chapter 四、四、四 --- 小結 --- p.70 / Chapter 第五章 --- 研究結果摘要及討論 --- p.72 / Chapter 五、一 --- 樂觀、拘束二型的分佈 --- p.73 / Chapter 五、二 --- 樂觀、拘束二型學生的傳播行為 --- p.74 / Chapter 五、二、一 --- 接觸新聞的頻密程度 --- p.74 / Chapter 五、二、二 --- 留意「九七」新聞及《聯合聲明》内容的詳細程度 --- p.77 / Chapter 五、二、三 --- 使用傳媒的頻密程度 --- p.79 / Chapter 五、二、四 --- 傳媒的有效程度 --- p.81 / Chapter 五、三 --- 干涉變項對樂觀，拘束二型學生的傳播行為之影响 --- p.83 / Chapter 五、三、一 --- 問題的關切性 --- p.83 / Chapter 五、三、二 --- 對中共的政治態度 --- p.84 / Chapter 五、三、三 --- 對政治的興趣 --- p.84 / Chapter 笫六章 --- 總結及建議 --- p.92 / Chapter 六、一 --- 總結 --- p.93 / Chapter 六、二 --- 建議 --- p.94 / 參考書目 --- p.96 / Chapter 附錄I --- 圖表 --- p.103 / Chapter 附錄II --- 問卷 --- p.136

Li Yee Ching, Magdalene. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2000. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 154-160). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Acknowledgments --- p.i / Abstract --- p.ii / Chapter Chapter 1: --- Introduction / Overview --- p.1 / Research Objective --- p.5 / Conceptualization --- p.7 / Organization of the paper --- p.11 / Chapter Chapter 2: --- Communication and Collective Memory / Overview --- p.13 / Collective Memory and Social Changes --- p.20 / Collective Memory and Political Changes --- p.22 / Mass Media and Collective Memory --- p.23 / Chapter Chapter 3: --- Research Design / Discourse Analysis of the Representation of June4 --- p.31 / Data Analysis --- p.34 / Chapter Chapter 4: --- Initial Frames of Remembrance of the Tiananmen Incident in1989 / The Structure of the Available Past --- p.38 / The 1989 Pro-Democracy Movement in Beijing --- p.40 / Framing the June 4 Incident in the Hong Kong Context --- p.45 / Contextualizing the 1989 Pro-democracy Movement --- p.56 / June 4 and the Hong Kong Media --- p.61 / Chapter Chapter 5: --- The First Anniversary of the Crackdown in1990 / Commemoration and Collective Memory --- p.66 / The Commemoration Project of June4 --- p.67 / The Media as a Field of Memory --- p.68 / Cultivating Collective Memory --- p.70 / Interpreting the Changes in Memory --- p.77 / Chapter Chapter 6: --- The 5th Anniversary of June 4 in1994 / The Script of the June 4 Anniversary --- p.80 / The Commemoration Project in1994 --- p.81 / Shifting Media Representations of Key Players --- p.83 / Subdued Commemoration of the Media --- p.91 / The Context of Changes in the June 4 Memory --- p.93 / The Role of the Media --- p.96 / Chapter Chapter 7: --- The June 4 Incident Commemoration on the Eve of the1997 Handover / Contradictions in the Memory of June4 --- p.101 / Media's Coverage and the June 4 Commemoration --- p.103 / Representation of Major Actors in1997 --- p.104 / Media's Interpretation of the Meaning of June4 --- p.113 / Interpreting the Changes --- p.115 / Chapter Chapter 8: --- Commemorating the June 4 Incident in a Chinese City The 10th Anniversary of June4 / Ambiguous Definition of the June 4 Incident --- p.120 / The Media and the Mnemonic Dispute --- p.124 / The Wider Context of the 10th Anniversary --- p.128 / Remembering to Forget: Interpreting the Changes in1999 --- p.131 / Chapter Chapter 9: --- Conclusions: The People Will Not Forget --- p.136 / Bibliography --- p.154 / Appendix 1: Survey on People's Opinion on the June Fourth Incident --- p.161 / Appendix 2: Protocol for Textual Analysis --- p.163 / Appendix 3: Interview Protocol --- p.164 / Appendix 4:Interviewee Profile --- p.165

by Lee Lap-fung, Francis. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1999. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 187-197). / Abstracts in English and Chinese; questionnaire in Chinese. / Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 / Chapter Chapter 2 --- The background of the 1998 election --- p.10 / Chapter Chapter 3 --- Approaches to election and media effects studies --- p.20 / Chapter Chapter 4 --- Activating informed participation - a conceptual model for empirical evaluation --- p.33 / Chapter Chapter 5 --- Design and methods --- p.47 / Chapter Chapter 6 --- "News consumption, knowledge and sophistication" --- p.51 / Chapter Chapter 7 --- Media and political attitudes --- p.65 / Chapter Chapter 8 --- Voter turnout --- p.100 / Chapter Chapter 9 --- The pitfalls of media strategic coverage: How media fall short from activating informed participation --- p.120 / Chapter Chapter 10 --- Conclusion: Mass media and political participation in Hong Kong --- p.147 / Appendix A Variable constructions and statistical procedures --- p.159 / Appendix B Questionnaires and basic information about the data --- p.165 / "Appendix C Electoral system,vote calculating method, and candidate lists" --- p.180 / Reference --- p.187

University of Macau / Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities / Department of Communication

University of Macau / Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities / Department of Communication

University of Macau / Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities / Department of Government and Public Administration

現有的媒體－抗爭互動機制研究，其結論多是主流媒體傾向非法化、瑣碎化社會運動。但針對威權語境中的媒體－抗爭互動現象，這一論點不再適用。本研究通過2009年廣州番禺反建垃圾焚燒廠事件，探究地方媒體與草根環境運動在與政府協商公共議題時，形成何種互動機制。本文以公共性概念為理論起點，以參與式公共性與可視性公共性這兩種模式作為分析工具，來理解媒體與運動的實踐及其互動。 / 本研究使用多種方法考察事件發展過程，同時試圖建構出媒體－運動的互動機制。主要研究材料包括媒體文本、新聞從業者與抗爭居民的口頭和書面陳述。本文用內容分析方法考察媒體如何再現抗爭居民與當地政府的話語鬥爭，以及新聞框架如何發展演變。研究者與20位新聞從業者與抗爭居民進行深度訪談，以瞭解其行動的目的、策略與束縛，並探索雙方如何理解與評價自身、對方與社會語境。 / 本文的主要貢獻，是通過考察威權語境中的媒體－運動的互動實踐現象來豐富原有的公共性概念。研究發現雙方形成了深度互動、平等、共存的關係。首先，媒體的報道使與抗爭相關的公共論述得以生成、發展、充實。多角度的媒體報道涵蓋了環保與民主參與等話題，由此挑戰了官方對抗爭的打壓式論述。其次，在運動的架構過程中，抗爭居民創造出媒介互動策略，具體表現為抗爭者認識到傳統媒體記者所受的束縛，並與其合作突破這種束縛。他們同時也使用新媒體平台直接動員公眾展開集體行動。最後，新聞從業者發展出抗爭新聞劇目的生產機制，使得抗爭事件停留於報端，令抗爭者成為公共論述的參與者。新聞從業者在追求職業認同與獨立時還借用抗爭的概念，將其用作由下至上新聞改革的資源。 / 以上發現表明，媒體與社會運動作為社會行動者，其互動機制中體現出一種具有建構性與矛盾性的公共性。通過這一媒介化的抗爭事件，雙方發展出針對官方論述的話語抗爭，使得原本屬於越軌範疇的抗爭話語得以進入可公開爭議的合法範疇，由此得以重新界定公開話語空間中的意識形態邊界。 / Existing studies of media-movement interaction have argued that mainstream media tends to illegitimize and trivialize social movements. However, when applied to the newly emerged media-movement interactions in the context of an authoritarian regime, such argument becomes untenable. This study takes an anti-incinerator event taken place in Panyu, Guangzhou in 2009 as its foci of investigation. It examines how local media and the grassroots environmental movement cooperatively negotiated public issues with the government. The concept of publicity and two models of publicity (participatory publicity and visibility publicity) will be introduced. These two models will be used as analytical tools to understand the practice of and the interaction between the media and the movement. / Methodologically, this study adopts multiple methods to trace the process of the event and model the media-movement interaction mechanism. This research constructs the case by analyzing the media texts, together with both oral and written accounts of the journalists and the activists. Content analysis is employed to measure how the media represent the discursive struggles between local residents and local government, as well as how the media frames have evolved during the event. In-depth interviews have been conducted with 20 activists and journalists to explore their intentions, strategies and constraints. Questions were also asked about how they understand and evaluate themselves, each other and the social context. / The primary significance of this study is to explore how the notion of publicity is enriched by the dynamics of the media-movement interaction mechanism within an authoritarian context. The findings demonstrate that both parties have developed an increasingly interactive, equal and co-dependent relationship with one another. First, public discourses surrounding the movement have emerged and survived through the cooperation between journalists and activists. The media has developed diversified reporting angles covering not only environmental issues but also notions of democratic participation that challenged the suppressive official discourse. Second, during the framing process of the movement, the activists have invented an interactive media strategy that helped to break the constraints of journalistic practice within traditional media organizations. Meanwhile, they also adopted new media platforms to directly mobilize for collective action. Third, the journalists have developed a “journalistic repertoire of contention by which they successfully kept the story staying in the newspaper and incorporated the protesters’ voice into the public discussion. Moreover, while in search of their professional identity, the journalists also borrowed the idea of protest as a resource for the bottom-up media transformation. / The above findings suggest that the notion of publicity constructed by the media-movement interaction in this study could be described as constructive and inconsistent. Against the official discourse, journalists and activists have collaborated on the discursive contention by means of the mediated event. By doing so, the previously marginalized “deviant contentious discourse was allowed to enter into the sphere of legitimate controversy, while the ideological boundaries of the public discursive space were also redefined. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 鄧力. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 139-149). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Deng Li. / Chapter 第1章 --- 導論 --- p.1 / Chapter 1.1 --- 案例描述與研究對象介紹 --- p.3 / Chapter 1.1.1 --- 案例描述 --- p.3 / Chapter 1.1.2 --- 研究對象 --- p.3 / Chapter 1.1.3 --- 研究對象關係圖 --- p.6 / Chapter 1.2 --- 論文的結構 --- p.8 / Chapter 第2章 --- 理論框架與研究問題 --- p.11 / Chapter 2.1 --- 關於媒體與抗爭政治的互動機制的文獻綜述 --- p.11 / Chapter 2.1.1 --- 媒體與衝突的關係機制 --- p.11 / Chapter 2.1.2 --- 民主社會語境下的媒體與社會運動關係研究 --- p.12 / Chapter 2.1.3 --- 威權社會語境下的媒體與社會運動關係研究 --- p.16 / Chapter 2.1.4 --- 本文研究路徑 --- p.18 / Chapter 2.2 --- 理論框架及研究問題 --- p.20 / Chapter 2.2.1 --- 理論旅行：情境視角下的公共性概念 --- p.20 / Chapter 2.2.2 --- 公共性概念的發展及其雙重屬性 --- p.22 / Chapter 2.2.3 --- 研究問題 --- p.31 / Chapter 第3章 --- 研究方法 --- p.34 / Chapter 3.1 --- 案例描述 --- p.34 / Chapter 3.1.1 --- 案例背景 --- p.34 / Chapter 3.1.2 --- 第一階段：內部動員及組織化抗爭 --- p.35 / Chapter 3.1.3 --- 第二階段：廣泛動員階段 --- p.36 / Chapter 3.1.4 --- 第三階段：遊行事件及以後 --- p.38 / Chapter 3.2 --- 個案研究設計 --- p.39 / Chapter 3.3 --- 數據類型與分析層次 --- p.40 / Chapter 3.3.1 --- 整體事件分析 --- p.41 / Chapter 3.3.2 --- 兩種政治及其互動機制的分析 --- p.42 / Chapter 3.4 --- 研究實施 --- p.43 / Chapter 3.4.1 --- 架構分析方法與實施 --- p.43 / Chapter 3.4.2 --- 深度訪談方法與實施 --- p.50 / Chapter 第4章 --- 抗爭事件的媒體呈現 --- p.55 / Chapter 4.1 --- 媒體再現：對媒體文本的定量框架分析報告 --- p.55 / Chapter 4.1.1 --- 主體資格(standing)與框架(framing)指標的對比 --- p.55 / Chapter 4.1.2 --- 爭奪媒體框架：框架發展與框架鬥爭 --- p.57 / Chapter 4.2 --- 媒體話語的邊界：關鍵事件的文本分析 --- p.66 / Chapter 4.2.1 --- 反腐敗話語的擴展 --- p.66 / Chapter 4.2.2 --- 未被報道的抗爭 --- p.70 / Chapter 4.3 --- 小結：媒體話語的可視性公共性和參與式公共性 --- p.73 / Chapter 第5章 --- 環保抗爭政治的話語策略--框架轉換與媒體使用 --- p.75 / Chapter 5.1 --- 環境抗爭政治的框架轉換 --- p.75 / Chapter 5.1.1 --- 背景：環保運動與轉型社會 --- p.75 / Chapter 5.1.2 --- 框架轉換與提升：從鄰避運動到環保運動 --- p.77 / Chapter 5.1.3 --- 作為話語策略的框架轉換 --- p.82 / Chapter 5.2 --- 抗爭政治與媒體 --- p.82 / Chapter 5.2.1 --- 抗爭政治與傳統媒體的互動策略 --- p.83 / Chapter 5.2.2 --- 抗爭政治的新媒體使用 --- p.89 / Chapter 5.3 --- 小結：作為媒介化公民的環保抗爭者 --- p.96 / Chapter 第6章 --- 媒體公共性的建構--抗爭新聞劇目與媒體轉型政治 --- p.99 / Chapter 6.1 --- 抗爭新聞劇目的概念、表現與生產機制 --- p.99 / Chapter 6.1.1 --- 媒體與抗爭政治：以事件為中介的互動模式 --- p.99 / Chapter 6.1.2 --- 製造抗爭新聞劇目：抗爭事件對新聞實踐的形塑 --- p.103 / Chapter 6.1.3 --- 以事件為中介累積機制的特點、意義及其局限性 --- p.111 / Chapter 6.2 --- 尋求媒體公共性的媒體轉型政治：“一場重新公共化的運動 --- p.117 / Chapter 6.2.1 --- 概念提出：媒體轉型政治 --- p.117 / Chapter 6.2.2 --- 抗爭政治如何作用於媒體轉型政治的“類社會運動實踐 --- p.119 / Chapter 6.3 --- 小結:兩種公共性模式之外的互動實踐 --- p.125 / Chapter 第7章 --- 總結與討論 --- p.128 / Chapter 7.1 --- 威權語境中媒體－抗爭的互動機制 --- p.128 / Chapter 7.1.1 --- 可視性公共性模式下的互動模式 --- p.129 / Chapter 7.1.2 --- 參與式公共性模式下的互動模式 --- p.130 / Chapter 7.1.3 --- 媒體轉型政治與抗爭政治深層互動機制 --- p.131 / Chapter 7.2 --- 威權語境中公共性的建構 --- p.133 / Chapter 7.2.1 --- 公共性的建構性 --- p.133 / Chapter 7.2.2 --- 公共性的矛盾性 --- p.134 / Chapter 7.3 --- 研究意義、研究不足與研究建議 --- p.135 / Chapter 7.3.1 --- 公共性建構模式的可推廣性 --- p.135 / Chapter 7.3.2 --- 公共性建構模式的局限性 --- p.136 / Chapter 7.3.3 --- 對未來研究的建議 --- p.137 / 參考書目 --- p.139