A critical study of the education reform laws of the 1880s in France; specifically the Ferry laws and the Camille See law. How these laws affected women's education and more broadly, the place of women in French society. The ideologies of universalism and laicite and how they affected women's education, specifically the exclusion of women from French society based on the suppression of difference inherent in universalism.

Le concert européen est souvent perçu, du moins pour les années 1871 à 1890, comme l’œuvre indéniable du Chancelier allemand Otto von Bismarck et des grands hommes politiques de son temps. La politique dite bismarckienne a effectivement connoté la plupart des interactions entre pays rivaux de l’époque, particulièrement entre la France et l’Allemagne. Son incidence sur la politique française est telle qu’elle en affecte les politiques intérieure et extérieure. Les républicains opportunistes adopteront vis-à-vis de la politique bismarckienne une attitude pragmatique leur permettant, de 1878 à 1885, de recouvrer leur rôle d’antan, ainsi que d’encadrer un fort sentiment nationaliste. S’il est souvent reproché aux opportunistes d’avoir préféré le momentané au planifié, il nous semble que la politique des gouvernements Ferry, Gambetta, Waddington et Freycinet réussit au contraire à tirer habilement son épingle du jeu bismarckien. Familiers du caractère éphémère de ce jeu, les opportunistes ont su y trouver des avantages, assurer à la France le recouvrement d’une position diplomatique de choix et l’acquisition de nouveaux territoires coloniaux, tout en préservant une certaine indépendance face au Chancelier. / The European concert is often perceived, at least from the 1871s to 1890, as the unmistakable work of the German Chancellor Otto von Bismarck and the major politicians of his time. The said Bismarckian policy effectively influenced most of the interactions between opposing parties, particularly between France and Germany. Its bearing on the French policy is such that it affects home and foreign policies. The opportunist republicans will personify this ambiguous reaction to new German giant. A pragmatic attitude allows them, between 1878 and 1885, to recover their former role as well as to guide a strong nationalist feeling. If the opportunists are often blamed for having preferred the short term, the governments of Ferry, Gambetta, Waddington and Freycinet governments managed to handle Bismarckian policy skilfully. Familiar with its ephemeral character, opportunist governments knew how to find advantages, insure that France recover its diplomatic position and acquire new colonial territories while protecting a certain independence vis-à-vis the Iron Chancellor.

Le concert européen est souvent perçu, du moins pour les années 1871 à 1890, comme l’œuvre indéniable du Chancelier allemand Otto von Bismarck et des grands hommes politiques de son temps. La politique dite bismarckienne a effectivement connoté la plupart des interactions entre pays rivaux de l’époque, particulièrement entre la France et l’Allemagne. Son incidence sur la politique française est telle qu’elle en affecte les politiques intérieure et extérieure. Les républicains opportunistes adopteront vis-à-vis de la politique bismarckienne une attitude pragmatique leur permettant, de 1878 à 1885, de recouvrer leur rôle d’antan, ainsi que d’encadrer un fort sentiment nationaliste. S’il est souvent reproché aux opportunistes d’avoir préféré le momentané au planifié, il nous semble que la politique des gouvernements Ferry, Gambetta, Waddington et Freycinet réussit au contraire à tirer habilement son épingle du jeu bismarckien. Familiers du caractère éphémère de ce jeu, les opportunistes ont su y trouver des avantages, assurer à la France le recouvrement d’une position diplomatique de choix et l’acquisition de nouveaux territoires coloniaux, tout en préservant une certaine indépendance face au Chancelier. / The European concert is often perceived, at least from the 1871s to 1890, as the unmistakable work of the German Chancellor Otto von Bismarck and the major politicians of his time. The said Bismarckian policy effectively influenced most of the interactions between opposing parties, particularly between France and Germany. Its bearing on the French policy is such that it affects home and foreign policies. The opportunist republicans will personify this ambiguous reaction to new German giant. A pragmatic attitude allows them, between 1878 and 1885, to recover their former role as well as to guide a strong nationalist feeling. If the opportunists are often blamed for having preferred the short term, the governments of Ferry, Gambetta, Waddington and Freycinet governments managed to handle Bismarckian policy skilfully. Familiar with its ephemeral character, opportunist governments knew how to find advantages, insure that France recover its diplomatic position and acquire new colonial territories while protecting a certain independence vis-à-vis the Iron Chancellor.

Thesis (doctoral)--Université Paris I, 1988. / Includes bibliographical references (p. [393]-422) and index.

Thesis (doctoral)--Université Paris I, 1988. / Includes bibliographical references (p. [393]-422) and index.

La tesi intende analizzare l’idea coloniale in Francia durante la Terza Repubblica, le modalità attraverso cui essa veniva veicolata e gli argomenti con cui l’espansione veniva giustificata. Dopo un’introduzione storica, la ricerca si concentra sulle diverse “voci” che concorsero alla promozione e propaganda coloniale. Vengono analizzati il contributo dei diversi attori – primo fra tutti il “parti colonial” - che parteciparono a sostenere le motivazioni dell’espansione, oltre alle modalità e ai canali utilizzati, in un contesto in cui l’opinione pubblica era restia ad affezionarsi e a comprendere la necessità di un impero. La parte successiva si concentra sui contenuti del discorso di giustificazione e motivazione dell’imperialismo francese, tramite il richiamo di alcuni teorici e politici del periodo e dei principali temi -economici, politici e umanitari (la cd. “mission civilisatrice”) - evocati in tale contesto. L’ultimo capitolo è dedicato in modo particolare alla diffusione della cosiddette “scienze coloniali” e alla creazione, influenzata dall’esigenza di formare i futuri amministratori coloniali, di cattedre o sezioni coloniali negli istituti di studi superiori. E’ possibile in tal modo individuare un collegamento tra diversi gruppi ed entità operanti nel campo politico, economico e scientifico e, attraverso l’analisi degli appunti dei corsi, esaminare in che modo l’idea coloniale fosse trasmessa in tale ambito. / The research aims at analyzing the colonial idea in France during the Third Republic, the different ways it was conveyed and the main themes adopted to justify the colonial expansion. After a first historical overview, the second chapter focuses on the different actors that contributed in promoting the colonies and the colonial propaganda (above all the “parti colonial”), in a context in which the majority of the French citizens seemed not really interested in supporting the colonial empire nor in understanding its needs and methods. Subsequently, the research analyzes the different themes the supporters of the French colonial movement adopted to justify the need of a colonial empire at the economic, political and “humanitarian” levels. The last chapter is focused on the diffusion of the “colonial sciences” and the creation of ad hoc colonial sections or schools aimed at training the future colonial administrators. The analysis highlights the links between the different actors of the political, economic and scientific circles. Also, thanks to the exam of the student’s notes it is possible to see how the colonial idea was conveyed in this field.