Makt kan utspela sig på många olika sätt, i varje sammanhang inom varje rum finns någon form av makt. I min studie har jag valt att undersöka makten i mötet mellan ungdomar och polis, utifrån ungdomars berättelser. Ungdomar är vår framtid, det är våra framtida ledare och politiker, det är de som kommer att ta över världen efter oss, därför är det viktigt att vi tar hand om våra ungdomar och att vi skapar en ljus framtid för dem. För att våra ungdomar ska bli välartade måste vi undersöka förhållanden som påverkar dem och deras utveckling av jaget. Därför har jag valt att undersöka makten i mötet mellan dem och polisen då jag anser att mötet påverkar dem och deras framtid. Poliser ingår i vårt rättsväsende, vi ger dem makt och legitimitet för att de ska skydda oss och bekämpa brottsligheten. Alla som har blivit utsatta för någon form av brott upplever det starka behovet av en disciplin som ska bevaka vår rätt och få oss att känna trygghet när vi går ut, trygghet när vi är i våra hem, tryggheten att kunna leva och vara fria. Men hur blir det när vi, den stora majoriteten ger så mycket makt till enstaka individer som ska bevaka vår rätt. Poliser är också mänskliga varelser som kan falla för frestelser och mänskliga reaktioner. Och hur blir det när vi ger poliser makt att hjälpa och skydda våra ungdomar och de istället använder sin makt för att trycka ner och kränka dem. Ja, makt är ett strakt ord som kan ge upphov till många olika konsekvenser. / ABSTRACTPower can be played out in many different ways. In my study I have chosen to investigate the power of the encounter between youth and police, from stories told by youth. In order to help our young people to become functional human beings, we must examine the relations which can affect them and their development of self and therefor I have chosen to explore the power in the meeting between them and the police because I believe that the meeting affects them and their future. Police officers are part of our judicial system we give them power and legitimacy not only to fight crime but also to protect us. Anyone who has been subjected to some form of crime feel a strong need for a discipline that will guard our rights. But what about when we, the great majority give so much power to certain individuals in order to guard our right. What if the individuals that we have given the right to protect us instead missuses this power in order to suppress and abuse? Yes, power is an abstract word that can provide many different consequences. I will try to explore the power in the meeting between young people and the police in this essay by trying to find the answers to these questions.- How does the meeting between youth and police look like?- Which aspects of power are there?- How do young people experience the power of the police?- How is the power played out in the meeting between youths and police?- What are the consequences of the power in the meeting?I have chosen to use phenomenology as theory and focus my remarks on Schutz's work, instead off Husserl's phenomenological philosophy. The method I have used is qualitative research through a deep group interview with five youths and one depth individual interview. The result of my study has shown that police use violence, not only necessary violence that is permissible to use by the law, but also excessive violence, violence that is unjustified. Some police officers use their power to offend and assault young people. After listening to young people's stories about the police, which confirmed the earlier research that has been done, is my conclusion that the power in the encounter between youth and police is abused by the police and that young people find this very negative.

CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeiÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel Superior / A presente pesquisa tem o objetivo de resgatar e analisar as relaÃÃes de poder e prÃticas polÃticas dos gestores do municÃpio de Pereiro, situado na regiÃo do Vale do Jaguaribe, estado do CearÃ, no perÃodo 1936 a 2012. Nossa anÃlise apoia-se no referencial teÃrico do mandonismo local de Maria Isaura Pereiro de Queiroz e na tese do sistema coronelista de Victor Nunes Leal. TambÃm nos apropriamos dos resultados de estudos e pesquisas de historiadores, cientistas sociais, sociÃlogos e cientistas polÃticos cearenses contemporÃneos que versam acerca da polÃtica cearense. Foi por intermÃdio do entrelaÃamento desse referencial teÃrico, entrevistas e outras fontes, que fizemos a reconstituiÃÃo das relaÃÃes, do exercÃcio do poder e das disputas polÃticas entre as facÃÃes polÃticas do municÃpio. Por meio de descriÃÃo e anÃlise qualitativa, destacamos a forma que o prefeito ascende ao poder, como governa, como se sustenta no poder e o porquà de ter perdido tal poder. Para compreendermos esses aspectos, foi necessÃrio fazer a ligaÃÃo da polÃtica local com os fatos, mudanÃas e rupturas econÃmicas e polÃticas decorrentes no Ãmbito nacional e estadual, que replicaram no Ãmbito municipal, influenciando a ascensÃo ou derrocada do governante municipal. A partir dessas percepÃÃes, observamos que o municÃpio passou por vÃrios ciclos de comando ou domÃnio polÃticos. Desde sua fundaÃÃo, em 1842, atà o ano de 1930, o municÃpio foi dirigido pela classe dirigente composta de colonizadores da regiÃo, fazendeiros e oficiais da Guarda Nacional de Pereiro. ApÃs a revoluÃÃo de 1930, nasce a elite polÃtica dirigente, formada por bacharÃis, fazendeiros e comerciantes. A partir de 1936, chefes polÃticos das famÃlias Nogueira de Queiroz e DiÃgenes dominariam a polÃtica local atà o fim de 1988. Desde entÃo, uma eletividade de fatores decorrente no paÃs provocaria significativa ruptura na polÃtica do estado, estendendo-se ao interior, provocando mudanÃas do sistema coronelista para o sistema democrÃtico de cunho empresarial. Levando-nos a defender a tese que os coronÃis perderam seu prestÃgio, enquanto profissionais liberais e empresÃrios ascenderam, de modo que a violÃncia material na polÃtica foi substituÃda por outros mecanismos, ou seja, a polÃtica deixou de ser resolvida à bala, como acontecia em alguns casos atà o final da dÃcada de 1980 no CearÃ. / The thesis analyzes power relations and political practices of local power elites in the municipality of Pereiro situated in the Jaguaribe Valley in the state of CearÃ, between 1936 and 2012. It withdrew its main theoretical references from the works of Maria Isaura Pereira de Queiroz on âmandonismo localâ (local despotism) and Victor Nunes Leal on âcoronelismoâ (political bosses). In addition, it surveyed recent studies by anthropologists, historians, political scientists and sociologists on the state of Cearà politics. From the review of theory and literature, it established a typology of local political power to guide qualitative field research. Through observations, and extended interviews, it described the exercise of municipal power and struggles for leadership between different factions of local political elites. It highlighted how mayors sustained different cycles of power through election. It also showed how changes and economic disruptions at the state and national levels replicated in the municipality, influenced the rise and fall of local elites. Based on these insights, it established that the municipality had gone through several political cycles. From its founding in 1842 until 1930, the first colonizers composed of farmers and officials of the National Guard ruled Pereiro. The 1930 revolution gave birth to a new ruling elite formed by a mixture of barristers, landowners and merchants. From 1936 to 1988, two political bosses representing two distinct extended local families alternated in power. However, national and state political democratic changes disrupted the oligarchic rule when it affected the traditional landownership system and forced transition to a business-based social relation. The conclusion made the case against the thesis of the survival of traditional politics. It argued that the âcoronÃisâ lost prestige to new groups composed of liberal professionals and businesspersons. Consequently, new forms of economic domination and symbolic violence replaced violence and coercion that characterized traditional politics. Since then, money and economic influence replaced guns and bullets as the means of political domination in the state of CearÃ.

In this thesis, the conventional low voltage power line communication methods is investigated in the axis of automated meter reading applications and the classification and experimental verification of common noise types for low voltage power line communication network. The investigated system provides the real time transmission of electricity consumption data recorded by electricity meters, initially to a local computer via a low voltage line through a low speed PLC (Power Line Carrier) environment and subsequently to a corporate network through a high speed data transmission medium. The automated meter system provides a more effective tracking and data acquisition, a more detailed and vigorous knowledge about consumer behavior for subscriber assessment in electricity distribution in association with a brand new management and system supervision concept in electricity distribution control and management technology. The theoretical studies are experimentally verified for the Turkish low voltage power infrastructure through laboratory experiments performed in METU Electrical and Electronics Engineering Department, Electrical Machines and Drives Laboratory and R&amp / D Laboratories of MAKEL facilities in Hadimk&ouml / y. The single phase voltage of the mains line between the phase and neutral is monitored to exhibit the disturbing effects of various noise sources. The resulting voltage spectrum is logged by using digital data acquisition devices in time and frequency domain. The waveforms are converted to frequency domain using the Fast Fourier Transform (FFT) functions of the MATLAB. The experimental results are compared to the theoretical findings obtained through literature survey.

Abstract   This thesis explores the role of civil society organizations and the democratic participation of minority groups in Sweden. It is based on an analysis and interpretation of a major court decision that denied government support (MUCF) for a Muslim Youth organization (SUM) in 2016. Based on case study methodology and a close reading of court documents and related reports, the analysis of the empirical material identified nine themes of democratic participation and democratic principles, including: integration, discrimination, multicultural society/diversity, Muslims, Islamism/Muslim brotherhoods in Sweden, human rights. The analysis shows, how the Muslim Youth organization was both included in the democratic process but also excluded. I argue that their exclusion is based on ethnic boundary making processes which construct Muslims as essentially different from the rest of society. The thesis suggests that this exclusion could damage the integration processes of ethnic and religious minorities in Sweden.