Bibliography: p. 202-208. / Until recently research concerned with Khoikhoi in the nineteenth century tended to focus on the important labour legislation, especially on the labour law of 1809, the child apprenticeship law of 1812, and Ordinance 50 of 1828. Now the trend is to look at the available documents for this as for earlier periods, with an eye to discover as much as possible about the Khoikhoi themselves, particularly the ways in which they responded to threats or challenges and interacted with other groups. The study which follows is devoted to the occupations which they entered into either by virtue of their native skills and aptitudes or the new opportunities which came their way. It was intended to carry this study through to mid-century but it became clear that the subject was too large for a thesis for the master's degree. Contrary to expectation material regarding occupations, though it has been necessary to piece it together from a myriad tiny fragments, is wide-ranging and plentiful. Therefore this thesis has been limited to the period prior to the labour law of l November 1809 since it is not possible to pass this milestone in legislation pertaining to the Khoikhoi without a lengthy analysis of the existing body of work. There is, possibly, even more to be said about the apprenticeship law of 1812 and subsequent regulations, while analysis of the 50th Ordinance in the context of Khoikhoi and their occupations is an enormous task.

Bibliography: pages 94-97. / This study is about the Khoikhoi, known as the "Hottentots" who are today no longer to be found in their original state in South Africa. It deals with their religion nnd disintegration, especially the land issue. The author upholds that there are remnants of Khoikhoi religion and cultural elements present among the descendants of the Khoikhoi, nnmely the Coloured people, especially those in the Cape. These Khoikhoi religious and cultural elements give the Coloured people a dignified continuation with their forebearers. The author also demonstrates that the Khoikhoi were religious people in spite of misconstrued perceptions of their being, culture and traditions. These elements the author further states should be included in the discipline of African theology.

Magister Artium - MA / In this paper I attempt to look critically at the literary construction of one particular 'race', namely the 'Coloureds', in Sarah Gertrude Millin's God's Stepchildren. To this end, the paper draws on the historical background of Millin, and investigates the way in which Millin has consciously and strategically formed, as it were, a 'unique' Coloured identity. Furthermore, the paper explores the proximity or tension between author and narrator in the novel. This tension, I suggest, emerges in response to various pressures in the novel which in turn are based upon the author's social, political and economic background. Evidence to this effect is derived from Millin's biography and other sources. What emerges from the paper is that the concepts 'race' and 'Coloured', as they are employed in this novel, are equally elusive. In attempting to piece together a 'race', the novel communicates Millin's aversion to miscegenation, and discloses characteristics of her 'self'. Ironically, I conclude, she falls prey to the same kinds of prejudices that she projects onto her literary subjects.

This dissertation offers a literary-thematic investigation based on a postcolonial approach to the representation of the Khoisan and their descendants. I restricted my scope to selected Afrikaans novels at the centre of critical attention between between 1994 and 2014. Earlier novels in this period under discussion are Dolf van Niekerk’s Koms van die hyreën (1994), Willem Kotze’s Tsats van die Kalahari (1994), Die spoorsnyer (1994), Olifantjagters (1997) and Gif (2001) by Piet van Rooyen, plus Karel Schoeman’s Verkenning (1996). Later texts in the focus are Duiwelskloof (1998) and Bidsprinkaan (2005) by André P. Brink, Dalene Matthee’s Pieternella van die Kaap (2000), Eben Venter’s Santa Gamka (2009) and most recently, the Hertzog prize winner of 2015, Buys by Willem Anker (2014). Themes central to South African literature will form the focus of the research, namely intercultural interaction between the first inhabitants of South Africa and missionaries, the question of land ownership, the language motif, and the role of religion (indigenous versus Western belief systems). Attention will also be on more specific issues such as the nature of the relationship between the Khoisan and the colonisers, the characterization of the Khoisan by the selected white authors, as well as other contemporary debates. The secondary objective of the study is to review the historical presence of the Khoisan and their descendants as reflected through the fictional lense of these authors writing over the last two decades, since democratization of the regime in 1994. My focus is particularly on the substantial cultural contribution of the Khoi and the San, as reflected through their representation in fictional works. The question will be posed whether the portrayal of Khoisan characters in novels after 1994 is different from the portrayal in fiction before 1994? My hypothesis is that in the fictional representation one finds a move towards restoration of their human dignity, yet the fact remains that all the authors are white. A different study of fictional works by coloured writers (whose numbers as Afrikaans authors grew substantially after 1994), investigating their representation of the descendants of the Khoi and the San, would in all probability yield radically different results, as the white authors imagine the characters and their consciousness from outside the community and the racial group, whereas the coloured writers belong to the community and the group that they portray.

Bibliography: pages 134-166. / Southern African archaeology has experienced several changes in theoretical perspectives over the past few decades. More recently there have been renewed calls for a more social and theoretical approach to the analysis of the prehistoric past, especially the Late Stone Age. This thesis is an account of the last 4000 years in the southwestern Cape, where material culture is analysed in terms of contextual meaning. Contextual meaning is used in conjunction with social identity theory to analyse the interaction between Khoi herders and San gatherer-hunters. I use the active processes of identity formation and maintenance to argue that both the isolationist and revisionist arguments have simplified the concepts of identity, where identity is seen to have a passive role in interaction. I argue that identity is dynamic and changeable, and that individuals have several social identities which are made salient according to the context of interaction. I use specific fine line images in the rock art to argue that these images, in conjunction with scraper styles, were used as strategies by San males to increase their self-esteem. I further argue that interaction would result in unequal gender relations and San females used specific adzes to reassert their gender identity within San society. I further argue that finger paintings and handprints may have been painted by Khoi females as part of their menstruation and/or menarche rituals. I use both the gender and social identities from the Khoi and the San to argue that these are interrelated and cannot be separated. I argue that interaction would result in unequal gender and social practices and these practices would be expressed in the material culture of that group.

The advent of democracy in South Africa in 1994 coincided with International Legislation where the International Labour Organisation ILO Convention 1969 – Indigenous & Tribal Peoples Convention, 1989 was prominent in their ‘rights to roots’ campaign, closely followed by the 1994 United Nations Draft - Universal Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. These international debates filtered through to local communities in South Africa, who was still in the infant stages of democracy. The newly installed government glanced off ethnic loyalty in favour of the spirit of nationalism as the building blocks to unity in the new State. Under leadership of the African National Congress (ANC), resurgent voices of Khoisan revivalist groups appeared to reassert an identity linked to particularity. This was done in the wake of a colonial and apartheid past, where these institutions destabilised identities hence the formation and mobilization of new political structures amongst neo-Khoisan Revivalist groups. Many of these neo-Khoisan groups are spearheaded by self-appointed leaders to mobilize support on the basis of ethnic loyalty to foster notions of ‘belonging’ to an ethnic society and the scramble for resources. This thesis looked at the contemporary view of those who are in the process of identity reclamation. It has done so by using the Korana Royal House as a vignette to look at the broader Khoisan movement. The thesis looked at the evolution of naming rules and customs and how these interrelate in different contexts and the international discourse about concepts like indigenous and traditional groups.

Bibliography: pages 120-131. / Knowledge and History have for many years been sites of struggle in South Africa and academic versions of the past are being challenged with commitment by oppressed communities all over the world. Archaeologists, as producers of information about the past, are necessarily involved in such struggles. The aim of this research project has been to demonstrate that our constructions of the past are deeply embedded in the politics of production and presentation of knowledge. The manner in which information is presented to the public is integrally linked to the manner in which knowledge about the past is produced. These politics form a particular dynamic with the way people perceive themselves and others. By examining the specifics of the construction of a Hottentot icon, and its links with constructions of gatherer-hunter histories, I have also tackled issues such as the contingency of research interpretations, the subjectivity of researchers, the myth of "scientific objectivity", and knowledge as a site of struggle in South Africa. I have also examined the links between writing, description, sexism, racism and colonialism, and educational methods and the authority of the expert. It is in the use of authoritative techniques in the production of knowledge and in the presentation of research interpretations that the problem lies. Authoritative techniques are pervasive and powerful, and function to inhibit public challenges to academic knowledge. The weight of notions such as science, objectivity and truth - which back up most presentations of academic knowledge - disallow the empowerment of communities towards participation in the processes of producing knowledge. I advocate a shift towards production and presentation that uses instead methods that encourage traditionally powerless communities to play an active role in the construction of their histories. I have focussed on the construction of authoritative herder histories, in both museums and other public media, in order to examine the role of archaeologists in struggles around the past. Whether we are conscious participants in these struggles, or whether we adopt a stance of objective neutrality, the information we produce has a powerful and important effect on the way in which people make sense of ourselves. A People's Archaeology - an archaeology dependent on community participation in research, interpretation and presentation - will require the development of democratic research methods. And this necessitates the initial steps of demystifying the process whereby academic knowledge is produced, and the development of an understanding of the origins of historical symbols. This project is a contribution to these debates, and will hopefully be, in some way, a contribution to the process of formulating different research methods towards the development of a People's Archaeology.

Thesis (PhD)-- Stellenbosch University, 1995. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The history of the Oorlam Afrikaners began in the seventeenth century during the disintegration of the Cape Khoikhoi. Through this process a number of independent family groups came into existence. One of these, the Oorlam Afrikaners, had the ability to adapt to changing circumstances. This allowed them, despite their relative small numbers, to develop into a driving force in the history of Namaqua- and Namaland. The first two phases in this development were led by Klaas Afrikaner and his son, Jager Afrikaner. At the time of Jager Afrikaner's death in 1822, his people were living at Blydeverwacht and Jerusalem in southern Namaland. On his deathbed he handed over the leadership of the Oorlam Afrikaners to his second son, Jonker Afrikaner. This gave rise to dissatisfaction which eventually led to a split in the ranks and the moving of Jonker and his followers northwards. Due to Jonker's military skills and the advantages he and his followers had because of their access to firearms and ammunition, they established a reputation for effective warfare. In the thirties this in turn encouraged a Nama tribe, the Red Nation, to ask their help in defeating the Herero when they (the Nama) were driven from their traditional pastures. After driving the Herero back to the area north of the Kuiseb River, Jonker and his followers themselves settled in Central-Namaland, residing at places like Niais, Tsebris and eventually Windhoek. The Oorlam Afrikaners' position of power was vulnerable in one aspect - it was depended on the preservation of their access to firearms and ammunition for its existence and survival. Because of this Jonker initiated contact with the missionaries and traders by means of the English traveller, James Edward Alexander, who visited him in 1837. This in tum set in motion a chain of events which would clearly illustrate the interdependence of the indigenous people, missionaries and traders. Edward Cook and Joseph Tindall of the Wesleyan Mission Society were the first missionaries to visit the northern Oorlam Afrikaners. Their claim on Jonker, however, was not acknowledged by the Rhenish missionaries, Heinrich Kleinschmidt and Carl Hugo Hahn, who settled in Windhoek with Jonker's permission. Here an exceptional relationship developed between Jonker and Kleinschmidt. Jonker's wish to reunite the Oorlam Afrikaners and the unwillingness of the Wesleyan missionaries of the southern Afrikaners to work together with the Rhenish missionaries, eventually forced Kleinschmidt and Hahn to leave Windhoek. Meanwhile traders had arrived in the country. They supplied firearms, ammunition, brandy and other commodities to Jonker and his people on credit. By 1846 the indigenous people were so deeply in debt that they saw no other option than to start raiding the Herero in order to pay what they owed. Thus a period of violence and clashes across cultural borders and even within tribes began. Tension between Jonker and one of his Herero allies, Kahitjene, for example led to an attack on Kahitjene and the destruction of the mission station at Okahandja by Jonker in August 1850. A further escalation in violence was temporarily prevented by the arrival of the English traveller, Francis Galton. He threatened Jonker with British reprisals. After his departure growing resistance of indigenous leaders against Jonker erupted in an attack on Windhoek in May 1854. Again tension in the country was suppressed by external factors, this time the arrival of the copper miners. They promoted peace because the continuation of their work was impossible without it. Through their mediation the Matchlessmine Peace was concluded in November 1855. At the same time the way in which they played off the indigenous groups against each other, forced these leaders to form a collective forum against the mining community. This was done in the Treaty of Hoachanas, concluded in 1858. In 1858, after moving around and residing at Grootwarmfontein and Okapuka, Jonker and his people moved to Okahandja. With Okahandja as base, he became involved in Ovambo politics. Two years later, when the outbreak of lungsickness made the obtaining of cattle in the interior impossible, his previous contact gave him the opportunity to raid the Ovambo. He returned an ill man and died on 16 August 1861 in Okahandja. He was succeeded by his eldest son, Christiaan Afrikaner. After his death it became clear that the Oorlam Afrikaners owed the attaining of their position of power to the leadership abilities of Jonker Afrikaner. Through a combination of diplomacy and a display of power, and the way in which he manipulated people and group relations, he succeeded in setting the pace for events in the whole region between the Orange and Kunene Rivers. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die geskiedenis van die Afrikaner-Oorlams begin tydens die disintegrasie van die Kaapse Khoikhoi in die sewentiende eeu. Deur die loop van hierdie proses het verskeie onafhanklike familiegroepe, soos die Afrikaner-Oorlams, tot stand gekom. Hoewel aanvanklik klein en onbeduidend, het hulle vermoe om hulle by veranderende omstandighede aan te pas, mettertyd gelei tot die ontwikkeling van die Afrikaner-Oorlam-familiegroep as 'n magsfaktor in die geskiedenis van Namakwa- en Namaland. Die eerste twee fases van hierdie ontwikkeling het plaasgevind o.l.v. Klaas Afrikaner, en toe sy seun Jager. Toe Jager Afrikaner in 1822 oorlede is, het hy die leisels aan sy tweede oudste seun, Jonker Afrikaner, oorhandig. Op hierdie stadium het die Afrikaner- Oorlams in suidelike Namaland, by Blydeverwacht en Jerusalem, gewoon. Jager se optrede het tot 'n skeuring in Afrikaner-geledere gelei. Jonker Afrikaner se volgelinge het, danksy sy krygsvernuf en die voorsprong wat hulle toegang tot wapens en ammunisie hulle gegee het, 'n reputasie vir effektiewe oorlogvoering opgebou. Dit het 'n Nama-groep, die Rooinasie, aangespoor om hulle om hulp te vra toe hulle in die dertiger jare deur die Herero uit hulle tradisionele weivelde verdring is. Jonker-hulIe het die Herero teruggedryf tot anderkant die Kuisebrivier en hulle toe self in sentraal-Namaland gevestig, onder meer by Niais, Tsebris en uiteindelik by Windhoek. Jonker-hulle se nuwe magsposisie was kwesbaar in die opsig dat die daarstelling en voortbestaan daarvan afhanklik was van die behoud van hulle toegang tot vuurwapens en ammunisie. Daarom het Jonker in 1837, d.m.v. die Engelse reisiger James Edward Alexander, kontak met sendelinge en handelaars geYnisieer. Dit het aanleiding gegee tot 'n reeks gebeure wat die ineengestrengeldheid van die lotgevalle van die inheemse inwoner, sendeling en handelaar sterk na yore gebring het. Die eerste sendelinge wat die noordelike Afrikaner-Oorlams besoek het, was eerwaardes Edward Cook en Joseph Tindall van die Wesleyaanse Sendinggenootskap. Die Rynse sendelinge, Heinrich Kleinschmidt en Carl Hugo Hahn, het die Wesleyane se aanspraak op Jonker egter nie erken nie en hulle, met Jonker se toestemming, op Windhoek gevestig. Hier het mettertyd 'n besondere vertrouensverhouding tussen Jonker en Kleinschmidt ontwikkel. Jonker se begeerte om die onderskeie Afrikaner-Oorlam-groepe te herenig en die suidelike Afrikaners se sendelinge, die Wesleyane. se onwilligheid om met die RSG saam te werk, het Kleinschmidt-hulle egter uiteindelik gedwing om Windhoek te verlaat. Ondertussen het handelaars in die land aangekom wat ammunisie, vuurwapens, brandewyn en ander handelsartikels op krediet aan Jonker en sy mense verskaf het. Teen 1846 was die inheemse bevolking so diep in die skuld dat hulle geen ander uitweg gesien het as om die Herero te begin beroof om hulle skuld te delg nie. Hierdie optrede het 'n tydperk van geweld en botsings oor kultuurgrense heen en selfs binne stamverband ingelei. Spanning tussen Jonker en een van sy Herero-bondgenote Kahitjene, het byvoorbeeld gelei tot 'n aanval op laasgenoemde en die vernietiging van die sendingstasie Okahandja, in Augustus 1850. 'n Verdere eskalasie in geweld is tydelik verhinder deur die aankoms van die Engelse reisiger Francis Galton, wat Jonker gedreig het met Britse militere optrede. Na sy vertrek het opbouende verset teen Jonker onder inheemse leiers in Mei 1854 tot uitbarsting gekom in 'n aanval op Windhoek. Weer eens is die spanning in die land onderdruk deur eksterne faktore, die keer die aankoms van koperdelwers. Hulle het vrede aangemoedig omdat die voortsetting van hulle werksaamhede daarsonder onmoontlik was. Deur hulle bemiddeling is die Matchless-myn Vrede in November 1855 gesluit. Terselfdertyd het die wyse waarop hulle die verskillende inheemse groepe teen mekaar afgespeel het, inheemse leiers genoodsaak om die Traktaat van Hoachanas in 1858 te sluit, 'n verdrag wat aan hulle 'n gemeenskaplike forum teen die mynmaatskappye sou verskaf. Nadat Jonker en sy volgelinge onder meer op Grootwarmfontein en Okapuka gewoon het, het hulle in 1858 na Okahandja verhuis. Hiervandaan het Jonker betrokke geraak in die Ovambo-politiek. Dit het hom twee jaar later, toe longsiekte die verkryging van vee in die binneland onmoontlik gemaak het, die geleentheid gebied om die Ovambo te gaan beroof. Jonker het siek van hierdie roof tog af teruggekeer en op 16 Augustus 1861 op Okahandja gesterf. Hy is opgevolg deur sy oudste seun, Christiaan Afrikaner. Na sy dood het dit duidelik geword dat die Afrikaner-Oorlams hulle magsposisie hoofsaaklik aan Jonker se leierskap te danke gehad het. Deur'n kombinasie van magsvertoon en diplomasie en die manier waarop hy mense- en groepsverhoudinge gemanipuleer het, het hy vir bykans veertig jaar die pas aangegee vir gebeure in feitlik die hele landstreek tussen die Oranje- en Kuneneriviere.

Text in Afrikaans with abstracts in Afrikaans and English / In hierdie proefskrif word die agtergrond van die pre-koloniale stand van die destydse Kaapkolonie geskets en die historiese ontstaan van een gemeenskap word as tersaaklike voorbeeld behandel. Die verhouding wat met verloop van tyd tussen hierdie gemeenskap en die indringende koloniste ontwikkel het, is grotendeels gebaseer op persepsies en houdinge wat reeds sedert die 17e, 18e en veral die 19e eeu weens die ontmoeting tussen die uiteenlopende bevolkingsgroepe ontstaan het. Die verhoudinge wat inherent as gevolg van hierdie koloniale inmenging vertroebel is, was die oorsaak dat sekere inheemse bevolkingsgroepe radikale verandering ondergaan het. Die inheemse bevolking se rol het al hoe meer ondergeskik geword en die landskap het vir goed verander. Waar die inheemse bevolkingsgroepe se grondgebied van hulle ontneem is, moes hulle hul oorlewingstrategieë drasties verander. Die sogenaamde bruinmense, wat ontstaan het uit die ondertrou van die koloniale inkommers met die plaaslike bevolking en ingevoerde slawe, is gou tot die rol van arbeiders gereduseer en hul status het bly verlaag soos die tyd verbygegaan het. Aangesien min van hulle grondbesitters kon wees, wys hierdie proefskrif dat daar wel uitsonderings was. Daar is ’n gemeenskap wat die eienaars van erfgrond aan die Gouritzrivier is en dit steeds na 155 jaar besit. Hierdie gemeenskap is Buisplaas. ‘n Blanke voorvader, Frederick du Buis het aan sy twee seuns wat van gemengde bloed was, Simson en Saul ’n stuk grond langs die Gouritzrivier in die suidooste van die Wes-Kaap nagelaat. Op hierdie 94 hektaar het ’n Buis-gemeenskap ontstaan wat deur al die jare van politieke veranderinge in Suid-Afrika bly voortbestaan en gegroei het. Die onsimpatieke geografie en klimaat van Buisplaas het sy beperkings ingehou en tog het hierdie gemeenskap oorleef en die skamele voordele soos die nabyheid van die rivier en die aalwyne tot hulle voordeel gebruik. Al het die ekonomiese realiteit die meeste van die inwoners genoop om elders te gaan vir verdere opleiding en werksgeleenthede het die Buis-afstammelinge dikwels na hul aftrede uit hul beroepe teruggekeer na hul heimat. Ontwikkeling en die daaropvolgende verbetering van hul omstandighede het eers 127 jaar na die oordrag van Buisplaas aan Simson en Saul Buis begin en ’n groot verbetering in hul lewensomstandighede gemaak. Die rol van die Buisplaas Bewonersvereniging wat in 1986 gestig is en die belangrike proses van ontwikkeling wat deur hierdie vereniging begin is, vorm ’n kernaspek van die studie. Oor die jare het die twee kerke, die Lutherse en Anglikaanse kerke ’n deurslaggewende invloed op die inwoners gehad en veral omdat die Lutherse kerk ook verantwoordelik was dat daar ’n laerskool op Buisplaas opgerig is. Die navorsingsproses het die toepassing van ’n multi-dissiplinêre benadering behels, maar is daar hoofsaaklik van historiese metodologie gebruik gemaak. Die aktiewe bydrae van verskeie inwoners en oud-inwoners van Buisplaas het die gebruik van ander primêre en sekondêre bronne aangevul. Die fokus van die studie was derhalwe op die Buisplaas-gemeenskap wat vir so lank reeds bruin grondeienaars is, te midde van die problematiek van grondeienaarskap in Suid-Afrika. Alhoewel die konkrete realiteite van hierdie gemeenskap behandel word, gaan dit meer oor die ontasbare emosionele verbintenis van die mense met hulle plek, hulle eiendom. Dit gaan oor ‘n landskap wat uit kulturele tradisies en herinneringe bestaan. Dit kry die mistiek deur die krag van onthou, deur die nooit-vergeet-nie van mense se plekbewussyn. Plek word die verlenging van die self want plek is dan ook ‘n oord van tussenmenslike verbondenheid. Dit maak dit nie ‘n volmaakte plek nie maar ten minste ‘n plek waar mense van mekaar geweet het en steeds weet. Die veranderende ekonomiese en politieke streeksdinamika het ‘n invloed op die betekenis wat die inwoners aan hulle plek heg. Die fisiese en ruimtelike omgewing beïnvloed ook die interaksie en verhoudings van hierdie mense. / This thesis describes the background of the pre-colonial situation in the Cape Colony of the time. It uses the historical origin and development of one specific community as an example. The relationship which developed between this community and the intrusive colonialists is based to a large extent on perceptions and attitudes which were observed in the seventeenth and eighteenth but especially during the nineteenth century between the diverse population groups. The interference of the colonialists caused great harm to these relationships and consequently some of the indigenous population groups underwent radical changes. The indigenous population’s role in the area became more and more submersed and the landscape changed forever. As the territories of the indigenous groups were taken from them, they had to change their survival strategies drastically. The group which in former times was called ‘coloured’ because of inter marriages between the colonialists and the local population or the imported slaves, was soon reduced to labourers and their status diminished as time went by. In spite of very few being able to remain as landowners this thesis shows that there were exceptions. There is a community which inherited land next to the Gouritz River and after 155 years they are still the rightful owners. This community is known as Buisplaas. A white ancestor, Frederick du Buis left his two sons, Simson and Saul who were of mixed blood, 94 hectares of land next to the Gouritz River, in the south eastern part of the Western Cape. This is where the Buis community came into being and through the many years of political change in South Africa they continued to remain and develop there. The harsh geography and climate of Buisplaas had its limitations and yet the community survived. They used the meagre possibilities of the area like their proximity to the Gouritz River and the aloes growing there to their benefit. Although the economic realities forced many of the inhabitants to move elsewhere to further their studies or to find work opportunities, the Buisplaas descendants often returned to their community after retirement. It was only 127 years after Simson and Saul Buis inherited Buisplaas that development and consequently improvement started happening on a bigger scale. It changed their quality of life immensely. In 1986 the Residents’ Association of Buisplaas was formed and its role in the development of the community forms the major part of this study. Over the years both the Lutheran and the Anglican churches had a very strong influence on the inhabitants, especially since the Lutheran church was responsible for the establishment of a primary school at Buisplaas. The research entailed a multi-faceted approach, but mostly historical methodology was used. The active participation of different members of the Buisplaas community as well as some of the former inhabitants and neighbours in this thesis, supplemented the use of various other sources. The focus of the study was on the Buisplaas community who had been land owners as so-called ‘coloured’ people long before the issues and problems of owning land in South Africa were addressed. Although the basic realities of survival of this community will be addressed, the main focus is on the emotional bonds of the people with their place, with their property. It deals with their memories and with the cultural traditions that form the backbone of the area. This study has a charm which is revealed because of the memories of the people and the omnipresent consciousness of the ownership of their special place. Place becomes an extension of the self because place and space are also where human ties exist. It doesn’t make the place perfect but it remains a place where the people have always been aware of one another. The changing political and economic dynamics of the area have an influence on the importance and meaning of this place for its inhabitants. The physical and spatial environment and its spiritual importance also influence the interaction and relationships between these people. / History / D. Litt. et Phil. (Geskiedenis)

Thesis (MA (History))--University of Stellenbosch, 1945. / Wat betref die oorsprong van die Hottentot as ras, en hul woongebied voordat hul na die Suidelike deel van Afrika verhuis het, was tot onlangs baie min bekend. Die oorsaak hiervoor moet eerstens gesoek word in die feit dat by hierdie mense, met hul uiters lae kultuurpeil, daar geen doeltreffende begrip van tydrekenkunde bestaan het nie, en dat hulle nie oor die nodige middele beskik het om die oorlewering van die voorgeslagte te bewaar nie. ...