I den här studien presenteras undersökning som gjorts inom ramen för ett historiebruk med fokus på IS tidskrifter, där en textanalytisk undersökningsmetod har legat till grund för studien. Syftet med denna analys har varit att undersöka Islamiska statens historiebruk i tidskrifterna Dabiq och Rumiyah med tonvikt på dess motståndare. Frågeställningar som denna studie har behandlat sammanfattas enligt följande: • Hur använder IS historien för att rättfärdiga sitt handlande gentemot sina motståndare? • Hur och vilka framställs som motståndare i IS tidskrifter? • Vilka kopplingar finns det i IS tidskrifter mellan vår nutid och händelser i vår dåtid? Studien har visat hur IS historiebruk har påverkat synen på motståndarna. Med IS tidskrifter har det historiska vapnet kunnat användas genom historiska texter, händelser, ord samt personer. Således har IS skräck-propaganda påverkat individers tolkning av historiska källor där haditherna samt Koranens relevans har bidragit till motståndarnas exekution. Med hjälp av historia kan organisationen ifrågasätta motståndarnas tro för att stärka sin egen ideologi. Artiklarna använder historiska ord för att stärka föraktet men även bygga upp en gemensam tradition där historiebruket rättfärdigar handlandet mot motståndarna. Resultatet visar att motståndarbilden består av korsfarare, shiamuslimer, murtaddin samt mushrikin som med hjälp av ett historiebruk ur islams historia stärker IS identitet samt tillväxt.

A brief review of the history of western interest in the Qur'an from Keaton's 1143 C.E. translation to the present and a comparison between the western and traditional views on the Qur'-am's textual history serves to place the western theories on the collection and transmission of the Qur'an in their historical and intellectual context. The theories of Richard Bell, John Burton, Leone Caetani, Paul Casanova, Arthur Jeffery Alphonse Mingana, Theodor Ntildeke, John Wansbrough and W. Montgomery Watt are given primary consideration; Nabia Abbot, Hartwig Hirschfeld, D.S. Margolicuth, William Muir and Ajmal Khan receive secondary consideration. The traditional history of the Qur'anic text serves as the outline for the thesis. Theories suggesting that the Qur'an could not have been written down during the life of the Prophet are considered against extant physical evidence in inscriptions and papyrii of early Arabic writing. The questions surrounding the 'personal" or "metropolitan- collections are treated next, followed by two chapters on 'Uthman's recension and the Hajjaj collection. The two most recent studies, Wansbrough's and Burton's, reach opposing conclusions and their theories are considered against the work which preceded them. The thesis concludes that the morass of conflicting and differing conclusions regarding the history of the Qur'anic text may be the result of subjective analysis and selective use of evidence rather than intrinsic mystery of the subject matter.

The figure of Jesus in the Qur'an has strong eschatological dimensions, but Jesus' role at the end of the world is much like that of other prophets. The Hadith literature introduces an image of Jesus as the prophet-messiah who will descend at the end of history, destroy false religion and confirm the truth of Islam. This concept of the descent of Jesus is studied in this thesis, both in relation to the Qur'an and as part of a wider eschatological development in which Muslims, after Muhammad's death, expressed various views on the meaning and end of history.

No abstract available. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Durban-Westville, 1996.

<p>This dissertation examines the translation and printing of the Qur'an in the late Ottoman Empire and the early years of the Republic of Turkey (1820-1938). As most Islamic scholars deem the Qur'an inimitable divine speech, the idea of translating the Qur'an has been surrounded with concern since the first centuries of Islam; printing aroused fears about ritual purity and threatened the traditional trade of the scribes. This study examines how Turkish Muslims challenged these concerns and asserted the necessity to print and translate the Qur'an in order to make the text more accessible.</p><p>With the spread of the printing press and literacy in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, Qur'an translations have become increasingly important as means of transmitting the meaning of the text to expanding audiences. I investigate the rise of Qur'an translation through a historical survey of Ottoman and Turkish language translations and an examination of the debates surrounding them waged in periodicals, government archives, and monographs. While Turkish translations have often been construed as a product of nationalism, I argue that the rise of translation began with a renewed emphasis on the Qur'anic theme of intelligibility bolstered by the availability of printed books, the spread of state schools, and increased knowledge of European history and intellectual currents. Turkish nationalists later adopted and advocated the issue, reconstruing the "Turkish Qur'an" as a nationalist symbol. </p><p>Over the course of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, the meaning of Qur'an translation itself has changed and incorporated a variety of new concerns. Asserting translation of the Qur'an in the late Ottoman Empire became synecdoche for a new vision of Muslim authority and modernity that reduced the role of the ulama and created space for interpretive plurality on an unprecedented scale. Meanwhile, some Turkish intellectuals came to appreciate the symbolic value of Turkish renderings for the assertion of national identity in the Islamic sphere. While the notion of translation as replacement has withered, in practice, translations have come to play a robust role in Turkish Muslim life as supplement and counterpoint to the Qur'anic text.</p> / Dissertation

Muslims in South Africa live within the framework of a Western economy in which the notion of interest plays a pivotal role. This system does not seem to comply with the strict interpretation of Islamic law, since the Quran prohibits any dealings on the basis of interest and strongly condemns those who continue to deal in interest-based transactions, warning them of a “notice of war from Allah and His Apostle”. Muslims are therefore faced with the dilemma of either participating in the current prevailing economic system and thereby violating the Quranic injunctions prohibiting interest or Riba, or completely withdrawing from participation in this system and conducting their business transactions in accordance with Islamic injunctions. This study is an attempt to examine whether an Islamic banking enterprise within the greater Tshwane area could survive and even flourish in the long term if it were operating within the parameters of Islamic law, thus in the absence of the interest factor. The research methodology employed was that of qualitative research, and the study consists of both a literature and an empirical study. It became evident from the literature review that a bank’s survival within the Western economic order depends on the confidence that its depositors have in it. In an Islamic economic system the ethical and legal components distinguish it from other systems. The most striking feature of the Islamic banking environment is the so-called profit and loss sharing system (PLS). The literature study was complemented by an empirical study. Respondents were interviewed in three categories: Muslim businessmen, Islamic bankers and Islamic religious leaders. An analysis of data from the respondents revealed that they were of the opinion that there was a need for an Islamic bank in order to avoid any interest-based dealings and to operate strictly in accordance with Islamic law and principles. Based on the literature and field study a simple model of an Islamic banking enterprise was constructed which could function within the greater Tshwane area and within the South African economic context, but which would be based on Islamic Shariah principles. In constructing this model due cognisance was taken of the fact that it would prove to be a very difficult task to amend existing banking laws to provide for the easy entry and functioning of an Islamic bank. Based on the literature and empirical study it was concluded that to provide for the easy entry and functioning of an Islamic banking enterprise, it should not be structured or named as a bank but rather as a finance company which would then be able to offer most of the services that are offered by traditional banks but without having to comply with the strict regulations as applicable to traditional banks. The dissertation’s final conclusion and recommendation was thus that an Islamic bank should operate not as a bank but as a finance company, thereby accomplishing its pivotal role to enable Muslims to use these indispensable services successfully while complying wholly with Islamic Shariah law. / PhD (Business Management), North-West University, Vaal Triangle Campus, 2013

Univ. Erlangen-Nürnberg, Habil.-Schr., 2006 (leicht überarb.).

Proefschrift--Utrecht. / "Stellingen": [3] p. inserted. Bibliography: p. 91-94.

M.A. (Semitic Languages And Cultures) / Please refer to full text to view abstract

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