Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of South Carolina, 1989. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 207-221).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--West Virginia University, 2005. / Title from document title page. Document formatted into pages; contains vii, 229 p. : ill. Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (p. 209-229).

The foreign policy of the United States of America toward the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK), commonly known as North Korea, has an important role in maintaining the peace, stability, and security of Eastern Asia. From the partition of the Korean peninsula following World War II to the country's development of nuclear weapons, the foreign policy of the U.S. had to evolve based on the circumstances in North Korea. The United States, along with China, Japan, Russia, and South Korea, have key roles surrounding the discussions with North Korea. The thesis focuses solely on the presidential administrations of Harry S. Truman, Dwight D. Eisenhower, Lyndon B. Johnson, Richard Nixon, Bill Clinton, George W. Bush, and Barack Obama; these men had the greatest impact on U.S. foreign policy with North Korea. The thesis takes a qualitative approach of research by using primarily government documents, historical records from presidential administrations, articles from foreign policy journals, and books by foreign policy experts. Throughout the research, two common themes of U.S. relations toward North Korea emerge, uncertainty and defiance. North Korea's secretive regime makes it difficult for U.S. presidential administrations to determine the intentions of North Korea's actions. Furthermore, the uncertainty often leads to defiant and aggressive actions by North Korea. From the USS Pueblo crisis to the bombing of Yeonpyeong Island, presidential administrations had to walk a fine line of responding with aggression, negotiations, or appeasement. The thesis examines not only the options and implementations of each presidential administration, but also looks toward possible solutions for maintaining peace and stability in Eastern Asia by improving relations with North Korea.

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The purpose of this comparative and historical study is to consider a reconceptualization of the notion of educational policy transfer, based on an analysis of how the reforms made during the Soviet and US military occupation in the two Koreas influenced the educational development of North and South Korea from 1945 to 1959. The conceptual framework for the research drew on a definition of 'policy' as a comprehensive concept comprising of policy process and practice 'on the ground,' and going beyond a rigid definition of it as a formally recorded and proclaimed statement by a government. This concept of policy enabled me to analyze the process and practice of the educational reforms from a multi-dimensional perspective, incorporating the beliefs of local actors and the bureaucracy of domestic institutions. For this purpose, historical sources including South Korean, North Korean and US government documents, magazines, newpapers, teachers' resumés and guides and the memoires and diaries of important policy-makers were analyzed; historical documentation was complemented by expert interviews with eleven South and North Korean policy-makers and academics. In South Korea, educational reforms were implemented to promote liberal democratic ideals in the education system. Curricular and systemic changes were made to teach democratic procedures and concepts, such as the introduction of the subject social studies, the establishment of a single-track school system, and the introduction of a student-centered pedagogy to primary schools. In North Korea, a socialist-communist ideology, along with an attraction to the Soviet Union as a model state to follow, was extensively promoted through a series of educational reforms as political indoctrination intensified in the adult education and school curricula. In both contexts, the localization of the reforms was affected by cultural and social factors unique to Korea: the authoritarian legacy of Confucianism and Japanese colonization, and the nationalism that had been fostered for the purpose of state-formation. The Korean case indicates that the state-centric, linear and static view of educational policy transfer should be replaced by a new conceptualization which includes the complex web of decision-making and implementation processes that involve negotiations and compromises among various politicians and administrators who are driven by national as well as personal interests and goals. For example, although the educational reforms in the two Koreas were developed by Soviet and US military in order to maximize their long-term security interests in the Korean peninsula, the key actors who implemented the reforms were Korean policy-makers, who had been appointed to key positions of the educational administrations through the bureaucratic politics between the military authorities and the Korean polity. Although the overall objective of the educational reforms was to extend the ideological influences of the Soviet Union and the USA in the Korean peninsula, specific programs and policies for the reforms depended on the Korean policy-makers' understanding and interpretations of different ideologies.

Politics has been an integral part of Korean football since the Japanese colonial era when the game became a vehicle for the Korean independence movement. The split between North and South Korea following the Korean War further accentuated the intrusion of politics into the domain of Korean football. As Koreans residing on either side of the border followed the game with intense interest and often regarded performance in international competition as a signifier of national prestige, the governments of both North and South Korea attached more importance to football than to any other sport and became its foremost patrons. In these circumstances it is not surprising to find that the relative performance of the national teams of North and South Korea mirrored changing economic and political conditions. Thus the rapid rise of North Korean football in the 1960s was a reflection of the state’s systematic and successful postwar reconstruction. Since the 1980s, however, South Korea, with its booming economy, has clearly surpassed its increasingly impoverished northern counterparts in the football field. Undoubtedly, the most two important events pertaining to the development of Korean football were the 1966 and 2002 World Cups. They provided occasions when nationalist sentiment could be expressed through football in both North and South Korea. They also provided opportunities for Korean footballers, through their achievements on the field, to show that the gap between the traditional periphery and core of world football was narrowing. At the same time, participation in competition at this level, whether by teams from North or South Korea, suggested that there was a recognizable and distinctive Korean football style nurtured in training camps where the emphasis was on producing players with sufficient stamina to run at their opponents for ninety minutes. Tireless running football has been the characteristic of successful teams from both North and South Korea. Thus, while recognizing the profound ideological differences that separate North and South Korea, this thesis also emphasizes the football tradition and culture that ethnically homogenous Koreans have in common.

Since the end of the Korean War tensions have continued on the Korean peninsula. This research focuses on the role of coercive persuasion employed by the United States when North Korea provoked several crises from the late 1960 to the early 1990s.  The case studies include the USS <i>Pueblo</i> incident in 1968, the EC-121 incident in 1969, the axe-murder incident in 1976, and the North Korean nuclear inspection crisis in 1993-94.  In addition to examining crisis negotiations, each case introduces an overview of the changing environment surrounding the Korean peninsula, and analyses North Korea’s motives and intentions in causing crises during that given period. In the theoretical debate on international relations, this study introduces two distinct theories about the explanation of state behaviour.   On the one hand, realists predict that states seek security and survival as the most important objective of their national interests when they are faced with outside threats.  Culturalists meanwhile seek to explain states’ behavioural patterns as distinct and different from state to state due to their unique strategic cultures, which are deeply rooted in historical experience, national self-image, and unique ideology.  Overall, the North Korean responses in the several crises under investigation could be best explained by a combination of these two theories, but this study aims at evaluating the persuasiveness of the two theories in the chosen case histories of US-North Korean relations. To assess the cases more thoroughly with historical evidences, this study draws on primary source materials.  It relies substantially on declassified US government documents, although it also examines South Korean and North Korean materials in order to offer a balanced and objective account of the crises.

北韓核問題引起世界各國的關注，更觸動了中國的神經。雖然，中國領導人一貫強調支持朝鮮半島無核化及希望朝鮮半島能夠保持和平穩定，但中國在處理兩次核問題的方式及舉措卻完全不同。在第一次核危機(1991至1994年)爆發時，中國主要採取不介入的政策；但在第二次核危機(2002至2005年)時，中國卻完全擺脫被動的角色，主動擔當核危機的調停者。 / 正因為中國處理兩次北韓核問題採取完全不同的外交方針及策略，而且兩次核危機橫跨十多年的時間，無論是國際格局及中國國力也有重大的改變。因此，筆者會嘗試從東北亞的國際體系及權力分配、中國參與國際組織及多邊機制的情況和中國的身份認同及對國家利益及安全的看法這三方面去探討中國主動舉辦「六方會談」以解決第二次北韓核問題的主要原因。 / 為了更能有效檢視研究論題，筆者也會分析中國90年代末參與的「四方會談」、中國所構建的上海合作組織及九一一事件，以評估這些中介變項對中國主動舉辦「六方會談」的影響。筆者希望能夠從是項研究去瞭解中國外交政策的走向，以評估及預測未來中國對其他國際事務的取態及方針。 / As the North Korea Nuclear Crisis is one of the most critical security issues for China, the Chinese leaders always claim to maintain peace, prosperity, stability and a nuclear-free status on the Korean Peninsula. But in the two nuclear crises, China presented different attitudes and used different strategies to deal with this issue. / In the first nuclear crisis (1991-1994), China served as neither a mediator nor a peacemaker, and claimed that Washington and Pyongyang should settle the dispute bilaterally. However, in the second nuclear crisis (2002-2005), China started to play a proactive role and acted as a chief mediator and an honest broker for initiating a multilateral dialogue - Six-Party Talks as a method to settle the crisis. / Since China played different roles and used different strategies in these two nuclear crises within 10 years, this thesis aims to investigate this change and explain the reasonsfrom mainly three angles, including the power structure of Northeast Asia, China’s participation in multilateral institutions, and China’s self-identity and views on national interests and security. / In order to strengthen the analysis, this thesis will also investigate the influence of the Four-Party talks, Shanghai Cooperation Organization and September 11 Attack on the initiatives of the Six-Party Talks. Through this research, the author aims to illustrate the dynamics of China’s foreign policy and predict the trend of China’s diplomatic behavior towards different international affairs. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 李建忠. / "2012年9月". / "2012 nian 9 yue". / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 257-285). / Abstract in Chinese and English. / Li Jianzhong. / Chapter 第一章 --- ：研究目的及方法 --- p.p.1-28 / Chapter 1.1 --- 擬題動機/研究目的 --- p.p.1 / Chapter 1.2 --- 研究途徑及框架 --- p.p.11 / Chapter 1.3 --- 研究假設 --- p.p.16 / Chapter 1.4 --- 研究方法 --- p.p.19 / Chapter 1.5 --- p.p.26 / Chapter 第二章 --- ：文獻回顧 --- p.p.29-57 / Chapter 2.1 --- 問題層面 --- p.p.29 / Chapter 2.2 --- 理論層面 --- p.p.37 / Chapter 第三章 --- ：中國的硬權力與軟權力 --- p.p.58-107 / 引言 --- p.p.58 / Chapter 3.1 --- 硬權力 / Chapter 3.11 --- 經濟方面 --- p.p.65 / Chapter 3.12 --- 軍事方面 --- p.p.72 / Chapter 3.13 --- 科技方面 --- p.p.77 / Chapter 3.2 --- 軟權力 --- p.p.81 / Chapter 3.21 --- ：政治價值觀 --- p.p.83 / Chapter 3.22 --- ：外交政策及國際制度 --- p.p.89 / Chapter 3.23 --- 文化 --- p.p.99 / 小結 --- p.p.103 / Chapter 第四章 --- ：中國外交政策的轉型 ── 由雙邊到多邊 --- p.p.108-148 / 引言 --- p.p.108 / Chapter 4.1 --- 中國參與國際組織/制度的數量 --- p.p.109 / Chapter 4.2 --- 中國簽署多邊條約的數量 --- p.p.119 / Chapter 4.3 --- 中國參與國際組織/制度的質量 --- p.p.123 / Chapter 4.31 --- 中國參與國際組織/制度的動機與類型 --- p.p.128 / Chapter 4.32 --- 有否積極參與國際組織/制度的行動 --- p.p.132 / Chapter 4.33 --- 簽署多邊條約的類型 --- p.p.136 / Chapter 4.34 --- 有否創立及建設國際組織/制度 --- p.p.140 / 小結 --- p.p.143 / Chapter 第五章 --- ：中國的身份認同的改變 --- p.p.149-190 / 引言 --- p.p.149 / Chapter 5.1 --- 中國的具體行為 --- p.p.150 / Chapter 5.2 --- 國際社會對中國的看法 --- p.p.160 / Chapter 5.3 --- 中國自身的定位：從發展中國家到負責任大國 --- p.p.166 / Chapter 5.4 --- 觀念的改變 ── 從新安全觀到上海合作組織 --- p.p.174 / Chapter 5.5 --- 對國際核不擴散機制的態度 --- p.p.181 / p.p.186 / Chapter 第六章 --- ：東北亞大國關係框架的轉變與「六方會談」 --- p.p.191-240 / 引言 --- p.p.191 / Chapter 6.1 --- 美國外交政策及與北韓關係的改變 --- p.p.193 / Chapter 6.2 --- 進入新世紀的中美關係 --- p.p.204 / Chapter 6.3 --- 北韓核問題對中國及東北亞各國的挑戰 --- p.p.215 / 小結 --- p.p.234 / Chapter 第七章 --- ：總結 --- p.p.241-256 / Chapter 7.1 --- 研究發現 --- p.p.241 / Chapter 7.2 --- 研究貢獻 --- p.p.249 / Chapter 7.3 --- 研究局限及展望 --- p.p.255 / 參考文獻 --- p.p.257-285

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2007. / The entire dissertation/thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file (which also appears in the research.pdf); a non-technical general description, or public abstract, appears in the public.pdf file. Title from title screen of research.pdf file (viewed on December 20, 2007) Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (M.A.)--Eastern Illinois University, 2009. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 108-132).