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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited. / Since the ROK and North Korea stand face to face in the Korean Peninsula, there has been constant concern about the risk of war. In this situation, prevention of war on the Korean Peninsula is much more important than anything else. It is feasible when the balance of conventional military forces is kept. The purposes of this thesis are to compare each side's ground forces as major military strength, to develop the ROK ground force structure planning for ground force balance of the ROK against North Korea, to identify the important factors for reinforcement of ground forces in wartime, and to present the Combat models considered for the Korean Peninsula. In addition to those it proposes the U.S. presence in Korea and the improvement of early-warning capabilities. / http://archive.org/details/balanceofroknort00kims / Major, Korean Army

Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited / China and Korea have had relations for more than two thousand years. During that period, China greatly influenced Korea. However, as a result of China's defeat in the Sino-Japanese War in 1894-1895 and the Japanese annexation of Korea from 1910 to 1945, the influence of China over Korea began to wane and was then lost. Meanwhile, while the People's Republic of China (PRC) was the Republic of Korea (ROK)'s primary enemy state, and the United States became the ROK's only military alliance state, particularly due to their intervention in the Korean War in the Cold War era, the PRC, coupled with the United States, has become one of the most important partnership countries of the ROK in terms of security and economy on the Korean peninsula in the post-Cold War era. More importantly, the PRC is the only state which enjoys good relations with the two Koreas. Under these circumstances, the ROK's amicable relations with the PRC and the United States must be extremely important factors for Korean reconciliation and the reunification process. This thesis mainly examines Korea's historical relations with China and the United States, anticipates the role of China in Korean unification, and offers policy recommendations. / Lieutenant Commander, South Korean Navy

University of Macau / Faculty of Arts and Humanities. / Department of English

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Boston University / The present empirical study is to implement an interregional input-output model to the Korean regional economies of 1958. In the model, the Korean economy is divided into three regions: Region I consists of Seoul City, Kyonggi-Do, Kangwon-Do and Chungchong-Pudko Provinces; Region II, Chungchong-Namdo, Cholla-Namdo, Cholla-Pudko Province and Cheju Island; Region III, Kyongsang-Pudko and Kyongsang-Nando provinces. Each regional economy is desegregated into twenty industries or sectors following the same sectoral classification made on the 1958 I-0 national table. The structural framework of the Korean interregional model is comprised of two sets of matrices: one being the I-0 production coefficient matrix; the other, the supply coefficient matrix. Since the information regarding the difference in regional production technique is not available, the 1958 Korean I-0 national table is applied for the production coefficients, assuming the same technical coefficients for all three Regions in Korea. The supply coefficient matrix is derived from such statistical data as, The Census of Mining and Manufacturing (1958), various Governmental Reports, etc., to show the supply pattern of the interregional economy. Upon determination of these two structural matrices, a new matrix, the Korean interregional coefficients matrix, is obtained [TRUNCATED]

Thesis (D. Min.)--Gordon-Conwell Theological Seminary, 2005. / Abstract and vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 127-129).

This dissertation analyzes the roles of the Harry Truman administration and Congress in directing American policy regarding the Korean conflict. Using evidence from primary sources such as Truman’s presidential papers, communications of White House staffers, and correspondence from State Department operatives and key congressional figures, this study suggests that the legislative branch had an important role in Korean policy. Congress sometimes affected the war by what it did and, at other times, by what it did not do. Several themes are addressed in this project. One is how Truman and the congressional Democrats failed each other during the war. The president did not dedicate adequate attention to congressional relations early in his term, and was slow to react to charges of corruption within his administration, weakening his party politically. For their part, the Democrats gave HST poor advice concerning congressional involvement in the decision to take the nation to war. A number of them allowed their personal dislike for Secretary of State Dean Acheson to poison their support for the administration whenever U.S. fortunes in the war soured. Another issue was Truman’s interpretation and use of the concept of bipartisanship in foreign policy. HST generally manipulated the idea for political advantage. Ironically, had he listened to the counsel of an administration Republican early in the war, Truman could have mitigated the explosion over the firing of General Douglas MacArthur. A topic heretofore overlooked by historians concerns congressional peace initiatives proposed during the first half of the war. Analysis of the effectiveness of these resolutions, particularly during the heyday of McCarthyism, yields surprising conclusions.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2003. / Typescript. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 152-159). Also available on the Internet.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2003. / Typescript. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 152-159). Also available on the Internet.