A primazia da economia sobre a política, aceitação natural no debate político atual, tem levado ao abandono progressivo da idéia do público e do bem comum, ou seja, da essência mesma da política, reduzindo-a a um arranjo institucional com o intuito de possibilitar uma competição pacífica entre os diversos grupos que formam a sociedade em defesa de seus interesses privados. O intuito destas linhas é retomar a essência obscurecida da política através das principais linhagens do republicanismo clássico, comparando-o com o constitucionalismo, em sua origem. / The primacy of economy over politics, a natural and self-evident acceptance in the present political debate, has been leading to the progressive abandonment of the idea of public and common welfare, that is, the real political’s essence being reduced into a mere institutional arrangement with the purpose to make possible a pacific competition between the diverse groups that form society in defense of their private interests. The purpose of these lines is to regain the obscured essence of politics through the main lineages of the classical republicanism and, comparing it in its origins, to the constitutionalism.

Ce travail de thèse est consacré principalement à l’étude historiographique et sociologique de l’exil républicain espagnol de 1939 (connu aussi sous le nom de La « Retirada »), en France et au Mexique. Cela nous permet de dévoiler certains points méconnus et les plus critiques de cette partie de l’Histoire du XXe siècle. Nous y avons procédé à un examen panoramique de l’héritage actuel de cette histoire, longtemps restée enfouie dans les mémoires de celles et ceux qui l’on vécue directement ou indirectement.Ainsi, c’est en nous confrontant directement aux mémoires des trois générations d’héritiers de cette mémoire, en particulier en Espagne, en France et au Mexique, que nous avons pu éclaircir certains points jusque-là non abordés, ou faiblement, permettant de la sorte de mettre quelque peu sous rature les blancs encore persistants de cette histoire.Il s’agit d’un travail en trois parties. La première partie rappelle les faits objectifs liés à la guerre civile espagnole (objet de notre investigation) ; on entre de cette façon progressivement dans notre problématique globale : l’exil républicain en France et au Mexique. Peu à peu, nous abordons l’ensemble des événements passés, les objectifs et conséquences de certaines activités humaines, l’attitude de certains héritiers face à leur héritage traumatique, parfois méconnu et/ou oublié. Dans la deuxième partie nous mettons en avant la situation du Mexique Cardeniste 1934-1940, afin de mieux comprendre le rôle du Mexique dans la guerre civile espagnole, l’accueil que le Mexique réserve aux exilés républicains, ainsi que la contribution de l’exil républicain dans l’épanouissement économique, social et culturel du Mexique postrévolutionnaire. Dans la dernière partie, nous faisons un bilan de l’héritage actuel de cette partie de l’histoire du XXe siècle qui affecte encore actuellement des milliers de descendants. Quelques témoignages de première main (transmis ou obtenus suite à des entretiens directs) qui mettent l’accent sur des points très précis, nous prouvent que tout ce qui se rapporte à la révolution espagnole (1931-1939) baigne dans une lumière insolite, à cause de l’absence ou du refus de sa reconnaissance officielle. Par voie de conséquence, les séquelles perdurent et les cicatrices sont toujours très profondes. Nous concluons ce travail par l’examen des oeuvres littéraires et poétiques de Jordi Soler et de Gregorio Oliván, de quelques oeuvres d’art, de différents genres et de différentes époques. Tous ont la particularité de se rapporter à l’exil républicain espagnol. Au-delà de la dimension artistique, leur contenu référentiel peut être considéré comme de dignes témoignages historiques, rendant compte de la triste vérité du drame historique qui fut l’exil républicain de 1939. / This PhD work is mainly devoted to the historiographical and sociological study of the Spanish Republican exile from 1939 (also known as the “Retirada”), in France and Mexico. This allows us to reveal some unknown and the most critical points of this part of the history of the 20th century. We have proceeded to a panoramic review of the current heritage of this history which have been remained buried, for a long time, in the memories of people who have directly or indirectly experienced it. Thus, confronting us directly to the memories of three generations of heirs of this memory, especially in Spain, France and Mexico, we were able to clarify issues, not previously addressed, or poorly. In this way, it allows us to put under erasure some persistent blanks of this history. This work consist of three parts. The first part reminds the objective facts related to the Spanish Civil War (object of our investigation); in this way, we enter gradually into our global issue: Republican exile in France and Mexico. Little by little, we address all past events, the objectives and consequences of human activities, the attitude of some heirs face to their traumatic heritage, sometimes unknown and / or forgotten. In the second part we highlight the situation of Mexico, under the presidency of Cárdenas 1934-1940, in order to better understand the role of Mexico in the Spanish Civil War, the reception reserved by Mexico to the exiled Republicans, and the contribution of the Republican exile in the economic, social and cultural development of Mexico after its own revolution. In the last part, we make a review of the current heritage of this part of the history of the 20th century that still currently affects thousands of descendants. Some testimonies (transmitted or obtained as a result of interviews), that focus on very specific points, prove that all that relates to the Spanish Revolution (1931-1939) is immersed in a strange light, due to the absence or refusal of official recognition. Consequently, the after-effects remain and the scars are still very intense. We conclude this work, examining literary and poetic works of Jordi Soler and Gregorio Oliván, some masterpiece of different genres and periods. All have the characteristic to be related to the Spanish Republican exile. Beyond their artistic dimension, their reference content can be considered as worthy historical testimonies, reflecting the sad truth of the historical tragedy which occurs during the Republican exile in 1939.

This thesis aims to shed new light on the Chinese character xia 侠 and the literature and history of the Republican Era (1912-1949) that revolves around it. Xia refers to either a concept (identifiable with kindness, altruism, righteousness, etc.) or to a person who practices this concept. Ever since its arrival in Chinese texts in the sixth century BC, it has created controversy for some and sympathy for others. In Modern China, xia became the central aspect of a literary genre that reached its zenith in production and consumption in the Republican Era, i.e. wuxia fiction 武侠小说, which can be translated as “using martial arts (wu 武) to obtain xia”. The concept of xia was an integral part of presumably the most widespread literary genre of the time, but why were Republican-era readers so interested in it? Why did they relate to xia and what do the themes of these novels say about the chaotic Republican Era? To answer these questions, this thesis presents a case study of a wuxia pentalogy written by Wang Dulu at the end of the Republican Era and attempts to identify the topics and aspects most reflective of that historical period, showing that, despite the heavy criticism of intellectuals of that time, these “easy” popular novels contain innovative and modern aspects and can become today of great historical importance. The thesis starts with two literature reviews. The first determines that the term xia has not received enough scholarly attention, calling for a reassessment. The second literature review focuses on Republican Era wuxia fiction, showing how there is a gap in scholarship on this period. This is followed by a discussion of the methodology used for the analysis of the case study on Wang Dulu’s Crane-Iron Series written in Qingdao (1938-1944), presented in the final three chapters of the thesis. Chapter one analyses the origins of the term xia in texts from the Warring States Period (475-221 BC) and Han Dynasty (206 BC-AD 220), presenting new interpretations for a more comprehensive understanding of the term. Chapter two gives a historical overview of xia¬-related literature and addresses the historical reasons for the changes that xia underwent throughout Chinese history. Chapter three includes a historiography of the Republican Era in combination with the life of the author Wang Dulu and identifies the aspects of the author’s life that will become important in the textual analysis in the chapters to follow. Chapter four focuses on xia in the Crane-Iron Series. After having collected the terms and identified the semantic spheres that include the Chinese character xia, the chapter demonstrates how the story of one of the series’ protagonist can be seen as an personification of Republican-era China, proving the historical dimension and value of these novels. Chapter five analyses yi 义 (righteousness) and represents the virtuous aspect of xia, concluding that, according to Wang Dulu, for the concept of xia, virtue is more important than being trained in martial arts (wu). Chapter six focuses on the literary figure of the baobiao 保镖 (protector) and is seen as the commercialisation of martial arts not necessarily linked to xia, showing how entrepreneurship and violence were characteristics of the time.

The efforts of Republican congressional leaders to secure passage of civil rights measures during the 1960's will be emphasized in this thesis. Also, an effort will be made to present objectively the views of Republican congressional leaders toward civil rights measures and to show how they contributed, in the day-to-day legislative proceedings, to the passage of these measures.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2015-12-16T18:31:03Z No. of bitstreams: 1 camilapereiramartins.pdf: 952213 bytes, checksum: 0d5392ec392264a2d63712b0f8c6674b (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2015-12-17T11:08:47Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 camilapereiramartins.pdf: 952213 bytes, checksum: 0d5392ec392264a2d63712b0f8c6674b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-12-17T11:08:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 camilapereiramartins.pdf: 952213 bytes, checksum: 0d5392ec392264a2d63712b0f8c6674b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-08-10 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Na presente dissertação, comparamos os republicanismos português e brasileiro em Lisboa e no Rio de Janeiro, sedes de suas respectivas Cortes. Impulsionados pela efervescência política e influenciados pelas novas escolas de pensamento, os republicanos estabeleceram suas bases a partir de 1870 e tiveram destacada atuação política até a proclamação da república em 1889 no Brasil, e a malsucedida revolução republicana em 1891 em Portugal. A comparação entre os dois republicanismos fez-se no sentido de analisar a atuação política dos movimentos republicanos diante dos conflitos políticos em que estavam envolvidos e observar o sistema de valores, normas e crenças que os republicanos compartilhavam, tendo em vista a leitura que faziam do passado, assim como as suas aspirações para o futuro. Também analisamos as relações que os republicanos de ambos os países estabeleceram entre si. Para empreender a pesquisa utilizamos a imprensa republicana como objeto e fonte de análise, sendo que a observação dos jornais, manifestos e programas republicanos foi subsidiada pela consulta a dicionários de época e a historiografia de maneira geral. Na análise do material utilizamos a história dos conceitos como método especializado de críticas de fonte, ao observarmos o emprego de conceitos-chave e o significado que república, democracia, federação, entre outros termos adquiriram no discurso republicano. A pesquisa demonstrou que as relações entre os republicanos brasileiros e portugueses era de solidariedade entre os “povos irmãos” e que os mesmos compartilhavam valores democráticos e visões sobre o passado, mas tinham projetos políticos distintos. / This Master’s thesis aims at comparing Portuguese and Brazilian republican movements through an analysis of its capitals, Lisboa and Rio de Janeiro. Driven by political effervescence and guided by new schools of thought, the republicans have established themselves as a respectful force from 1870 onwards, and have had a highlighted political participation until Brazil’s Proclamation of the Republic in 1889 and the unsuccessful republican revolution in 1891 Portugal. The aforementioned comparison is proposed as a close observation of republican movements when faced with difficult political conflicts, which could provide a fresh view of their shared system of values, standards and beliefs, major channels for their perceptions of the past and aspirations for the future. Moreover, we analysed the ties that linked both movements. Our research was chiefly conducted with a cautious read of the republican press, understood as a source and as an object. On the whole, we also paid attention to republican programs, manifestos, XIX century dictionaries, always in contrast to the current historiography. We defined that the best method of reading and critique would be the history of concepts, which is used when we take a look at key concepts and therefore the meaning that words such as “república”, “democracia”, “federação”, among others, conveyed in the republican discourse. In conclusion, the research shows that Brazilian and Portuguese republicans reinforced mutual solidarity, considering themselves “brotherly peoples”, even though this sharing of democratic values and visions of the past did not result in identical political projects.

Republicanism, a long-standing ideology, which embodied political liberty, virtue, and constitutional law, shaped America’s political culture from the country’s inception. The Republican Party’s formation in the 1850s was no exception to this rule. Paying close attention to the social and political climate in Massachusetts, this thesis will journey through the United States’ turbulent antebellum years and examine how the abolitionist organization known as the Boston Vigilance Committee (BVC) fashioned the contours of this anti-slavery party. Although scholars debate the committee’s origins, by 1846 members increased and expanded their activism in protecting escaped slaves from being returned to slavery and in assisting fugitives to freedom. By standing on moral, economic, and legal ground, Vigilance Committee members transformed Boston’s political culture and helped mobilize Northern support for an anti-slavery agenda that founded the Republican party and ultimately culminated in slavery’s eventual demise. / Includes bibliography. / Thesis (M.A.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2020. / FAU Electronic Theses and Dissertations Collection

Importance of leadership in fostering cohesion within organizations has received increased scholarly attention. Researchers have shown that leadership can lose its legitimacy by pursuing unpopular policies or negating the common interest of the group. However, researchers have not yet been able to establish the leadership issues that shaped the 2016 Republican primaries as President Trump's victory (despite not having the support of any living past United States president both Republican and Democrat), was indicative of masses' frustration with the political establishment, and desire for change. Using complex leadership theory as a focal lens, the purpose of this phenomenological study was to explore the experiences of members of the Republican Party pertaining to the leadership issues that shaped the outcome of the 2016 Republican primaries. Data were collected through semistructured interviews with 12 registered members of the Dallas Texas Republican Party who supported President Trump during the 2016 Republican primaries. Data emanated from the central research question of what leadership issues shaped the outcome of the 2016 Republican primaries, and were transcribed verbatim, inductively coded, and thematically analyzed. Key findings suggest that disconnect between the leadership and membership of the Republican Party, ineffective leadership, and lack of effective communication strategies, were some of the leadership issues that shaped the outcome of the 2016 Republican primaries. The implication for social change for this study is that the Republican Party may benefit from the results of this study by highlighting the importance of effective, responsive, and inclusive leadership in navigating the dynamic challenges faced by the party.

Foreign policy is a constant balancing between playing an active role on the international stage versus taking a more cautious stance. This study compares foreign policy development of three conservative parties during the Cold war, in three different nations with vastly different geopolitical importance. The parties compared in the study are the American Republican party, the British Conservative party and the Swedish Conservative party. This study uses party platform and election manifestos from three separate election years as the main sources for comparison. The comparison covers the early 1950’s, middle 1960’s and finally the early 1980’s. The party programs are thereafter analyzed with help of Lane Crothers model to further classify the foreign policy development of each party during the given time period. In conclusion, the study indicates a general move toward an increasingly active involvement on the international stage. The Republican party represents a foreign policy predominantlybased on military and diplomatic capacity to safeguard American foreign interest in relation to the Soviet Union. The British Conservative party as well as the Swedish Conservative party represent a foreign policy strategy with higher emphasis on international economic cooperation based on the liberal market economy.

"The US Presidential Nomination System and Its Evolution" Master's thesis focuses on political and historical aspects of presidential candidate selection system in the United States of America. Covering the past two and a half centuries of historical development in the first more historical part the final paper then continues with more political characters of the system. The first chapter is divided into four sections describing the evolution of the selection system since the very beginning of the US political history when the Constitution was adopted in 1780s over the establishment of national conventions and implementing primary elections around 1900 until the modern period of reform years in 1970s. The second chapter focuses on current selection system within the Democratic and the Republican Party while the last third chapter, being divided into three parts, describes three key primary elections of 20th and 21st century, respectively. The Democratic primaries of 1960 and a selection of J. F. Kennedy, the 1980 Republican primaries with Ronald Reagan as an unrivaled leader and the last Democratic primary elections of 2008 selecting Barack Obama a presidential candidate. In the conclusion the whole development is summarized and few ideas of future form of the system are provided.

In this dissertation project, I make three separate contributions on how we can improve aggregate election forecasting models with respect to modeling choices, interpretability, and performance. Two of the three papers are applications to particular cases, the U.S. and France specifically, while the third points to a cross-national pattern in polling errors. The first paper addresses how we can make more reasonable prior choices for key parameters – such as the variability of non-sampling error – by using past pre-election polls. I showcase this approach on U.S. presidential elections. The second paper shows how to create and aggregate predictions in a multi-party contest while keeping the individual forecasts intact. This is useful to see convergences or divergences in the forecasts which might affect our confidence in the aggregate prediction. I develop a new aggregate forecasting model for French presidential elections to demonstrate this idea. The last paper shows and investigates a pattern in polling errors. We see that across multiple countries and electoral systems, polling errors favor the lesser party in two-party contests, i.e. polling errors favor Democratic candidates in Republican states and vice versa. We demonstrate a simple adjustment procedure based on this pattern to reduce the mean absolute polling error. We achieve a 16% reduction in the 2016 U.S. presidential election.