The purpose of this study is to analyze the state executive committees of the two major political parties in Texas and to present facts regarding the membership of the committees (the policy-makers) and the professional staff of the state party organization (the administrators of party policy).

Este trabalho tem como objeto de estudo o conjunto literário do escritor alagoano Graciliano Ramos (1892-1953), e busca mesmo mostrar como essa rica obra literária pode e deve ser vista como importante contribuição para o entendimento do Brasil das primeiras décadas do século XX. Graciliano Ramos e o Brasil republicano nasceram praticamente no mesmo ano, e as obras (ficcionais ou confessionais) daquele sempre estiveram atreladas aos rumos pelos quais o último tomou. As crônicas, os contos, os artigos, os romances, os livros infantis e as cartas do romancista revelam um conjunto de textos que, além da reconhecida qualidade literária, é detentor de um forte poder de observação e crítica da realidade. Graciliano Ramos escreveu sobre as gentes do sertão, das cidades do interior, da capital litorânea do seu Estado, da capital Federal. Mergulhou nas situações de privação, isolamento, injustiça, violência, rebeldia, resignação e esperteza. Descreveu o descampado, a fazenda, o subúrbio, as repartições públicas, as redações dos jornais, as rodas literárias. Faces de um país diverso, que parece permitir ser dito apenas pelo que as partes indicam. No entanto, na obra de Graciliano Ramos, esses temas orbitam ao redor de três grandes questões que atravessam todos os textos e que orientaram este estudo: campo e cidade, autoritarismo e democracia, poder e cultura letrada. A variedade de textos encontrou coesão a partir do estudo do autor em sua trajetória sócio-política. E o entendimento dessa trajetória só foi possível a partir do estudo minucioso dos textos do autor. Assim, História da Cultura e Estudos Literários tiveram de ser manejados conjuntamente pela exigência mesma da demanda, pois autor e obra sempre apareciam colados. Por fim, o país sem graça e o Brasil moderno que aparecem no título desta tese indicam o grau da contradição que Graciliano Ramos viu entre nossas bases formativas e as promessas feitas em nome da modernidade durante os quarente anos em que descreveu realisticamente o país / This research aims to study the literary work of the writer Graciliano Ramos (1892-1953), from the state of Alagoas, and seeks to show how this rich literary work can and should be seen as an important contribution to the understanding of Brazil in the first decades of the twentieth century. Graciliano Ramos and Republican Brazil were practically born in the same year, and the writers literary works (fictional or religious) have always been tied to the direction in which the country went. The chronicles, tales, articles, novels, children\'s books and letters written by the novelist, reveal a set of texts that, besides the recognized literary quality, holds a strong power of observation and critique of reality. Graciliano Ramos wrote about the people of the hinterland, the countryside towns, the seaside capital of his State and of the Federal capital. He plunged into situations of deprivation, isolation, injustice, violence, rebellion, resignation and cleverness. He described the clearing, the farms, the suburbs, public offices, newsrooms of newspapers, literary circles. The faces from a country that seems to allow only being referred to by its parts. However, in the work of Graciliano Ramos, these themes revolve around three major issues that cross all texts and guide this study: town and countryside, authoritarianism and democracy, power and literacy. This variety of texts found cohesion from the author\'s study in his socio-political trajectory. And understanding of this trajectory was only possible from the close study of texts by the author. Thus, History of Culture and Literary Studies had to be managed together by the requirement of same demand as author and work always appeared attached. Finally, the \'country with no grace\' and \'modern Brazil\' that appear in the title of this thesis, indicate the degree of contradiction that Graciliano Ramos saw between our formative bases and the promises made in the name of modernity over the fourty years in which he realistically described the country

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-21T20:32:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Nilvan Laurindo Sousa.pdf: 2391172 bytes, checksum: 6d16f75d1ca8a6069e9d503bad710991 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-03-18 / The current paper is related to the Masters in Education’s dissertation from UEPG’s Post-Graduate Program, with the theme: Republican Project for Education in Parana and the process of (de) mystification of Julia Wanderley. The overall objective was to analyze Julia Wanderley’s formation and professional work, along with her involvement in the magazine “A Escola”. From this main objective, other specific objectives appeared, which were: to study Julia Wanderley a historical subject, as well as her formation and professional work; foreground the context in which Julia Wanderley was immersed; investigate what was the role of the press in the consolidation of her intellectuality, and, also, analyze the 1905 report, published in 1906 by “A Escola” magazine. The historical period delimited for this research started from 1874, Julia Wanderley’s year of birth, to 1918, the year of her death. Along this paper, one aimed to comprehend in what way Julia Wanderley legitimates herself – or is legitimate as an intellectual; what is the role of the press in this process; the reason she is seen as a role model in Education, by a determined segment; and how her report is presented by Escola magazine, published in 1906. To answer these questions, the following working categories were listed: Ideology, Press and Education. The study was structured and organized from the theoretical ideals of dialectical and historical materialism, seeing that, to understand the republican project for education in Parana, it was necessary to investigate the relationships between the historical, economic, political and social contexts. The research had a documental and bibliographical character, and the methodological procedures used were: mapping of documental sources, newspapers from the studied period, periodical magazines and government reports, located in Parana’s Public Library, House of Memory, Paranaense Museum and Public File. The current research was divided in three chapters: on the first chapter, teacher Julia Wanderley’s formation and work were adressed; on the second chapter, the press and the consolidation of republican ideals in Parana were studied; and, on the third chapter, the thoughts of Julia Wanderley were analyzed, through the report of 1905, broadcasted in the Escola magazine of 1906. / O presente trabalho refere-se à dissertação de Mestrado em Educação do Programa de Pós-Graduação da UEPG com o tema: O projeto Republicano para a Educação no Paraná e o processo de (des) mistificação de Júlia Wanderley. O objetivo geral foi analisar a formação e a atuação profissional de Júlia Wanderley e sua participação junto à revista “A Escola”. Deste objetivo geral decorreram outros objetivos específicos, os quais foram: estudar Júlia Wanderley como um sujeito histórico, bem como a sua formação e atuação profissional; evidenciar o contexto em que Júlia Wanderley estava imersa; investigar qual o papel da imprensa na consolidação de sua intelectualidade, e, ainda, analisar o relatório de 1905, publicado em 1906 na revista “A Escola”. O período histórico delimitado para esta pesquisa foi de 1874, data de nascimento de Júlia Wanderley, a 1918, ano de sua morte. No decorrer deste trabalho buscou-se compreender de que forma Julia Wanderley se legitima, ou é legitimada como intelectual; qual o papel da imprensa neste processo; porque ela é tida como um modelo de educadora, por um determinado seguimento; e como é apresentado seu relatório pela Revista Escola, publicado em 1906. Para responder estas questões foram elencadas as seguintes categorias de trabalho: Ideologia; Imprensa e Educação. O estudo foi estruturado e organizado a partir dos pressupostos teóricos do materialismo histórico dialético, pois, para se compreender o projeto republicano para a educação no Paraná, foi imprescindível investigar as relações com o contexto histórico, econômico, político e social. A pesquisa teve caráter documental e bibliográfico, os procedimentos metodológicos utilizados foram: o levantamento de fontes documentais, jornais de época, revista periódica e relatórios do governo, localizados na Biblioteca Pública do Paraná, Casa da Memória, Museu Paraense e Arquivo Público. A presente pesquisa foi dividida em três capítulos: no primeiro capítulo abordou-se a formação e a atuação da professora Júlia Wanderley; no segundo capítulo estudou-se a Imprensa e o processo de consolidação de ideais republicanos no Paraná e no terceiro capítulo analisou-se o pensamento de Júlia Wanderley, por meio do Relatório de 1905, divulgado na Revista Escola de 1906.

Submitted by JOSIANE SANTOS DE OLIVEIRA (josianeso) on 2017-05-05T13:26:28Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Tuane Ludwig Dihl_.pdf: 1484969 bytes, checksum: 9f8e1ad9f2831fe571861d83823be475 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-05-05T13:26:28Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Tuane Ludwig Dihl_.pdf: 1484969 bytes, checksum: 9f8e1ad9f2831fe571861d83823be475 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-03-06 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Esta pesquisa dedica-se a analisar as representações veiculadas no jornal porto-alegrense A Federação – órgão do Partido Republicano Rio-grandense (PRR) – acerca dos negros no período do pós-abolição, especificamente entre as décadas finais do século XIX e os primeiros anos do XX. A partir das edições deste periódico, investiga-se a forma, os sentidos e significados atribuídos às categorias de cor e raça quando utilizadas para visibilizar os afro-brasileiros. Esses aspectos puderam ser identificados em discussões que acenavam para o protagonismo abolicionista e político negro, em projetos para a transformação dos regimes de trabalho e nas representações sobre os comportamentos “não-brancos” nos espaços públicos. Verificou-se uma ausência de discursos unívocos sobre os aspectos destacados por parte dos redatores d’ A Federação, que se refletiu em representações igualmente variáveis, que podiam condenar ou exaltar os negros, a incluí-los ou a excluí-los de seu projeto republicano, ou ainda, tendiam a visibilizá-los ou a invisibilizá-los em suas páginas. / This research analyze the representations shown on porto-alegrense newspaper ‘A Federação’ – part of Rio-Grandense Republican Party (PRR) – about black people on post-abolition period, specifically between latest 19th century decades and initial years from 20st century. From editions on this newspaper, it is investigated how and the meanings given to ethnicity and color when used to give visibility to african-brazilians. Those aspects could be identified on discussions that pointed to the abolitinist and black political protagonism, on projects for the work regimes transformation ando n representantions about non-white behaviors on public spaces. It was noticed an abscense of single speeches about distinguished aspects of ‘A Federação’ editors, which reflected on equally variable representations, that could condemn or praise black people, include or exclude them from its republican project or yet tend to either give visibility or invsibility.

En tant qu’instrument d’action publique, l’histoire de l’enseignement moral et civique français peut être observée comme un révélateur efficace de l’évolution subie par l’esprit du temps entre 1944 et 2014. Promu, dès l’immédiat après-guerre, par des néo-pédagogues investis d’une visée, à la fois républicaine et émancipatrice, l’enseignement moral et civique français fut convoqué, à la Libération, pour conjurer “la dégradation de la conscience morale”. Mis en valeur, voire, instrumentalisé par les promoteurs d’une idéologie émancipatrice, il ne fut pourtant pensé qu’en fonction des services qu’il pouvait rendre à une morale républicaine résolument unitariste. Tenu comme à ses débuts d’éveiller la conscience nationale chez l’enfant, il était alors concerné par l’obligation de refondre des liens abimés pendant l’occupation, mais aussi, plus tard, pendant la guerre d’Algérie. Dans un deuxième temps, en revanche, entre 1965 et 1984, le sort progressivement qui lui sera réservé devait bel et bien révéler l’avènement d’un nouvel homme, plus hédoniste, plus libre, plus vindicatif et, de fait, résolument plus individualiste. Malgré l’intervention d’intellectuels soucieux de le voir servir de garde-fou face aux excès de la postmodernité, cet enseignement sera d’ailleurs supprimé en 1977. L’État-éducateur constatant plus tard les méfaits d’un excès d’individualisme et finissant par prendre en compte la nature inédite d’enjeux contenus dans la gestion d’une France plus métissée qu’hier, finira alors par réagir et finalement symptomatiser une forme d’ambivalence française. C’est ainsi qu’à partir des années 1980, des hésitations constantes sur le rôle qu’il devait jouer dans la fabrication du vivre-ensemble sauront incarner l’obligation faite au politique de proposer un discours dépassant l’opposition classique entre individu et collectif. / As an instrument of public action, the history of french moral and civic education can be seen as an effective indicator of the evolution of the spirit of the time between 1944 and 2014. He was promoted, from the immediate post-war by neo-pedagogues with, both Republican and emancipatory points of view, this teaching has been convened in 1944 to ward off "the degradation of moral conscience". Highlighted, even manipulated by emancipation ideology promotors, it was observed through the services this could get to a decidedly unitary republican morality. Held like in its early to awake national consciousness in children, it was mainly concerned with the requirement to consolidate the links damaged during the occupation, but also later, during the war in Algeria. Secondly, however, the fate that will be gradually awaiting for it between 1965 and 1984 in particular was indeed to reveal the advent of a new man, more hedonistic, more free, more vindictive and, in fact, resolutely individualistic. Despite the intervention of intellectuals anxious to see it used as railing against the excesses of postmodernism, this course will also be abolished in 1977. The « educator-state » later noting the harm of excessive individualism and ending with taking into account the unique nature of the issues contained in the management of a France more mixed than it was, will finally react symptomatising a form of french ambivalence. Thus, in the 1980s, constant hesitations about the role of moral and civic education in « together-life spirit » production will embody the obligation for politics to provide discourses beyond the classical opposition between individual and collective.

La céramique n’est désormais plus à établir comme élément fondamental de nos connaissances des mondes anciens, que ce soit d’un point de vue chronologique, économique ou culturel puisqu’au-delà de son rôle d’élément datant auquel s’arrêtent encore bien trop d’études, elle est une des principales sources d’informations en étant un produit direct de la culture qui l’a produite. Sa quasi-omniprésence dans le mobilier archéologique et les fortes quantités excavées ne sont alors pas sans liens avec la solidité du matériau. En effet, bien que les objets ainsi réalisés soient aisément brisables, la matière constitutive – l’argile cuite – est particulièrement résistante et ne se détruit que difficilement, que ce soit par le sol et sa nature, le temps, l’action de l’homme ou la combinaison de ces divers facteurs. Elle n’est notamment pas recyclable comme peuvent l’être le verre ou les métaux, et encore moins périssable comme les matières organiques.Le choix d’orienter cette recherche sur l’Italie centro-tyrrhénienne tardo-républicaine n’est évidemment pas anodin et résulte de la constatation d’une lacune flagrante dans nos connaissances de sa céramique, bien qu’il s’agisse d’un ancrage, aussi bien chronologique que géographique, charnière de l’Histoire romaine. Ainsi, la ligne directrice de ce travail vise à constituer une première tentative de caractérisation du faciès céramique, aussi bien dans son uniformité que dans ses spécificités régionales et de déterminer son évolution interne, que ce soit en matière de classes, catégories, formes et types.Pour ce faire, une méthodologie rigoureuse a été mise en place afin de disposer d’un corpus composé d’éléments suffisamment similaires pour établir un raisonnement fiable. Trois axes ont notamment été au cœur de cette réflexion : la nature des contextes, la possibilité de disposer de l’intégralité du matériel céramique et la quantification.L’étude s’est alors concentrée sur deux aires géographiques bien précises – le Latium septentrional et l’Étrurie méridionale – pour lesquelles il a fallu établir les faciès respectifs et leurs évolutions en s’interrogeant sur les rapports des classes, catégories, formes, types et provenances à travers trois ères chronologiques – la première moitié du IIe s., la seconde moitiédu IIe s., et le Ier s. av. n.è. Des études macroscopiques ont également été réalisées sur les pâtes du matériel provenant des études de cas. Les groupes techniques mis en évidence ont alors été confrontés aux données déjà existantes afin de faire ressortir les zones d’approvisionnement, les questions d’échanges commerciaux, d’importations et de productions locales ou régionales.Plus modestement, cette étude a également tenté d’ouvrir le discours aux tendances et pratiques alimentaires en confrontant les résultats, notamment morphologiques et fonctionnels, obtenus lors de l’établissement du faciès avec les sources littéraires et les études déjà menées sur le sujet. Notons enfin que ce travail, loin d’être définitif, devra être nourri par d’autres recherches afin de s’amplifier pour confirmer ou infirmer les hypothèses proposées. / Pottery artifacts are now considered without any doubts as essential elements of our knowledge in ancient worlds in chronological, economical or cultural points of view. Indeed, beyond its use as a dating guide in which so many studies are limited, it's one of the most important source of information beeing a direct product of the society who made it. Itsomnipresence in the archaeological rests and the hight quantity of sherds are linked to the solididy of the material. Indeed, even if the objects are easily breakable, the material – the fired clay – is particularly resistant and destroyable only with difficulty, whether it is by the ground and its nature, the time, the human action or the combination of these various factors. Moreover,it's not recyclable as can be it the glass or the metals, and even less perishable as the organic matters.The choice to focus this research on Late republican centro-Tyrrhenian Italy is not obviously harmless and results from the observation of a blatant gap in our knowledge of its ceramic, although it is about an anchoring, so chronological as geographical, hinge of the Roman History. So, the guideline of this work aims at constituting a first attempt of characterization of the ceramic faciès, as well in its uniformity as in its regional specificities and to determine its internal evolution, whether it is regarding classes, categories, forms and types.To do it, a rigorous methodology was organized to have a corpus compound of enoughsimilar elements to establish a reliable argument. Three axes were in particular at the heart ofthis reflection : the nature of contexts, the possibility of having all the rests and thequantification.The present study focus on two very precise geographical areas - the northern Lazio and the southern Etruria - for which it was necessary to establish the respective faciès and their evolutions by questionning the reports of classes, categories, forms, types and proveniance, through three chronological erae - the first half of IIth s, the second half of IIth s, and Ier s B.C. Macroscopic studies were also realized on clays of the material from two case studies. The technical groups were then confronted with the already existing data to highlight the zones of supply, the questions of trade, imports and local or regional productions.More modestly, this study also tried to open the research to the food practices by confronting the results, in particular morphological and functional, obtained during the establishment of the faciès with the literary sources and the studies already led on the subject. Finally this work, far from being definitive, must be fed by other researches to increase to confirm or counter the proposed hypotheses.

This thesis examines four translations and retranslations of novels by British female writers. They are Elizabeth Gaskell’s Cranford, Jane Austen’s Pride and Prejudice, George Eliot’s Silas Marner, and Charlotte Brontë’s Jane Eyre. The translations and retranslations, eight target texts in total, are mapped onto the sociopolitical and sociocultural milieu of China from the late 1920s to 1930s. During the span of time when the eight translations were published, China was undergoing a special period of political turbulence intertwined with literary vibrancy. With the literary field of China segmented into various literary societies or political organizations subscribing to their respective doctrines and principles, Chinese intellectuals including translators from various backgrounds produced literature and translation within the agenda of their respective literary or political societies. The heart of this thesis’s theoretical framework is the role of agents of translation involved the practice of translation production. The interaction amongst the human and nonhuman agents: translators, patrons, intellectuals, literary institutions, publishers and more, are examined in order to identify the translation motivations of the translators. The seven translators covered in the present study are categorized into three distinctive groups: the leftists, the humanists and the commercial translators. A collective analysis of the translators’ behaviour should shed light on the general understanding of the intended social functions of these translated novels written by British female writers published during Republican China.

No description available.

Este trabalho tem como objeto de estudo o conjunto literário do escritor alagoano Graciliano Ramos (1892-1953), e busca mesmo mostrar como essa rica obra literária pode e deve ser vista como importante contribuição para o entendimento do Brasil das primeiras décadas do século XX. Graciliano Ramos e o Brasil republicano nasceram praticamente no mesmo ano, e as obras (ficcionais ou confessionais) daquele sempre estiveram atreladas aos rumos pelos quais o último tomou. As crônicas, os contos, os artigos, os romances, os livros infantis e as cartas do romancista revelam um conjunto de textos que, além da reconhecida qualidade literária, é detentor de um forte poder de observação e crítica da realidade. Graciliano Ramos escreveu sobre as gentes do sertão, das cidades do interior, da capital litorânea do seu Estado, da capital Federal. Mergulhou nas situações de privação, isolamento, injustiça, violência, rebeldia, resignação e esperteza. Descreveu o descampado, a fazenda, o subúrbio, as repartições públicas, as redações dos jornais, as rodas literárias. Faces de um país diverso, que parece permitir ser dito apenas pelo que as partes indicam. No entanto, na obra de Graciliano Ramos, esses temas orbitam ao redor de três grandes questões que atravessam todos os textos e que orientaram este estudo: campo e cidade, autoritarismo e democracia, poder e cultura letrada. A variedade de textos encontrou coesão a partir do estudo do autor em sua trajetória sócio-política. E o entendimento dessa trajetória só foi possível a partir do estudo minucioso dos textos do autor. Assim, História da Cultura e Estudos Literários tiveram de ser manejados conjuntamente pela exigência mesma da demanda, pois autor e obra sempre apareciam colados. Por fim, o país sem graça e o Brasil moderno que aparecem no título desta tese indicam o grau da contradição que Graciliano Ramos viu entre nossas bases formativas e as promessas feitas em nome da modernidade durante os quarente anos em que descreveu realisticamente o país / This research aims to study the literary work of the writer Graciliano Ramos (1892-1953), from the state of Alagoas, and seeks to show how this rich literary work can and should be seen as an important contribution to the understanding of Brazil in the first decades of the twentieth century. Graciliano Ramos and Republican Brazil were practically born in the same year, and the writers literary works (fictional or religious) have always been tied to the direction in which the country went. The chronicles, tales, articles, novels, children\'s books and letters written by the novelist, reveal a set of texts that, besides the recognized literary quality, holds a strong power of observation and critique of reality. Graciliano Ramos wrote about the people of the hinterland, the countryside towns, the seaside capital of his State and of the Federal capital. He plunged into situations of deprivation, isolation, injustice, violence, rebellion, resignation and cleverness. He described the clearing, the farms, the suburbs, public offices, newsrooms of newspapers, literary circles. The faces from a country that seems to allow only being referred to by its parts. However, in the work of Graciliano Ramos, these themes revolve around three major issues that cross all texts and guide this study: town and countryside, authoritarianism and democracy, power and literacy. This variety of texts found cohesion from the author\'s study in his socio-political trajectory. And understanding of this trajectory was only possible from the close study of texts by the author. Thus, History of Culture and Literary Studies had to be managed together by the requirement of same demand as author and work always appeared attached. Finally, the \'country with no grace\' and \'modern Brazil\' that appear in the title of this thesis, indicate the degree of contradiction that Graciliano Ramos saw between our formative bases and the promises made in the name of modernity over the fourty years in which he realistically described the country

ABSTRACT This thesis approaches the concept of citizenship from the angle of citizens by focusing on the citizenship perception of the citizens in Turkey. It has been aimed to measure citizenship perceptions in terms of the balance between both total rights and duties, and also in terms of civil, political and social elements of citizenship. Liberal and civic republican conceptions of citizenship have been employed as the ideal-standard models against which it is attempted to measure the citizenship perceptions, because it is consensually agreed that the Turkish notion of citizenship is based on a civic republican understanding which emphasizes duties over rights. For this purpose a scale for citizenship rights and another one for citizenship duties have been developed on the basis of a questionnaire. Additionally, in order to measure people&rsquo / s opinions concerning the possible effects of Turkey&rsquo / s EU membership on citizenship issues a scale of &ldquo / EU membership and citizenship&rdquo / has been developed. In addition to the questionnaire study which was applied to unionized workers, employers, bureaucrats and retired military officers, focus group meetings and interviews were conducted. The results of the scale study revealed that all occupational groups shared a republican perception of citizenship as far as the total right and duty items are considered. However, in terms of political and social elements of citizenship, occupational groups displayed different perceptions. In terms of political elements, while workers, employers and bureaucrats emphasized the political rights, with respect to social elements workers assigned more weight to social rights. The EU membership and citizenship scale results indicated that all occupational groups shared a pro-EU perspective with respect to its effects on citizenship.