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This study as a whole does not pretend to be in any way an introduction of information new or novel, but is intended only as a distillation of facts well known, but largely un-assembled in the specific fashion here attempted. Relative to the Republican campaign against the Alien and Sedition legislation, however, it would appear that perhaps there has been a certain amount of misunderstanding. It is hoped that the treatment herein accorded this matter may in some way contribute to an improved insight.

The purpose of this paper will be to look into the election returns to find some of the factors which have caused the trend of voters shifting away from the Democratic party towards the Republican party in presidential elections.

This dissertation examines the results and strategies used in the 1978 Texas gubernatorial election to determine what issues, demographics, and campaign strategies led the Republican Party nominee, Dallas businessman Bill Clements, to defeat the Democratic nominee, Attorney General John Hill, to break the 105-year old Democratic lock on the governorship and how this victory affected the evolution of Texas into a two-party state. Research materials include manuscripts and published speeches, letters, oral interviews, elections results, and secondary materials.

"It is the purpose of this study is to examine these characteristics of the delegates from Texas to the 1964 Democratic and Republican national nominating conventions, as well as to compare and contrast their characteristics. It is a basic assumption of this study that the characteristics of national convention delegates are important in the determination of the character of the convention as an institution."-- leaf 2.

This thesis discusses the rise of the Republican party in Texas and specifically Harris County. The time period is the decade between the Presidential election of Dwight D. Eisenhower and the campaign of Jack Cox for Governor. Changes in the structure and leadership of the Republican party at the state level and specific precincts are examined in detail in chapter one. Leaders in Houston during this time period, such as Jesse Jones, Roy Cullen, and Oveta Culp Hobby are discussed in chapter two. The elections of Eisenhower, Cox, and Republican John Tower are analyzed in chapter three. The conclusion finds six major factors for the political changes occurring in Harris County, including economic and demographic changes. Main sources for this work included the Harris County Democratic party records and the Jack Cox Papers at the Center for American History, the Eisenhower Library, and the John Tower Papers.

While much research has been conducted into the political behavior and attitudes of American military officers, little has been accomplished with respect to enlisted personnel. Most reports assume that the American military identify largely with the Republican Party and are mostly conservative in attitude. The most recent large-scale study, the TISS Survey on the Military in the Post Cold War Era conducted by Feaver and Kohn in 1998-1999, confirmed those assumptions among senior officers and is often quoted as representative of the entire military. However, the demographic characteristics of enlisted personnel predict different behavior. The enlisted ranks of the American military are over-represented by minorities who traditionally identify with the Democratic Party. The present study gathered data on enlisted personnel, by means of a survey, to determine whether that specialized population is significantly different in attitude and behavior from that of the officer corps and of the general American population. Enlisted personnel identify with the Republican Party in about the same proportion as do the general American population. However, only about half as many enlisted personnel identify with the Democratic Party as do civilians. Enlisted personnel are also about three times more likely to identify as Independents as do other Americans. Active-duty enlisted personnel demonstrate a 1.7 to 1 partisan (Republican to Democrat) ratio, similar to that found in the veteran enlisted sample (1.8 to 1) and the officer sample (1.6 to 1). The civilian sample shows a .95 to 1 partisan ratio. Thus, active-duty enlisted personnel who identify with a political party are about twice as likely to identify with the Republican Party as are civilians. However, active-duty enlisted personnel are nearly four times as likely as civilians to report being Independent, and are substantially less likely than civilians to identify with the Democratic Party. The Republican to Democrat ratio may well explain the commentary about and observations of a Republican dominated military. Despite the fact that the overall proportion of Republicans within the military is no greater than that found within the general population, that there are twice as many individuals who will state that they are Republicans as those who will state that they are Democrats can easily give the impression of a heavily Republican population. However, active-duty enlisted personnel remain strongly independent when compared to the civilian population. Of special note is a markedly higher political efficacy among military enlisted personnel than is found within the general American population. / text

The expression ‘New Culture Movement’ was born in summer 1919, in the intersections of academic debate, political activism, media coverage and intellectual marketing strategies. I have traced the emergence of the phrase and the discourses around it, using sources like journals, newspapers, student essays, advertisements and conference protocols. The New Culture Movement was a buzzword, deployed by practically-minded but lesser-known intellectuals to promote agendas they had held long before its invention. Many notions we associate with the Movement until today already surrounded it in 1919: for example, that it was connected to the political protests of ‘May Fourth,’ and driven by star intellectuals such as Hu Shi and Chen Duxiu. But closer scrutiny reveals that the New Culture Movement and its network of associations were a construct, an amalgam of newspaper stories and intellectual marketing ploys: the connection to May Fourth was created by newspapers; the intellectuals at the periphery drew upon Hu Shi’s and Chen Duxiu’s prestige to add glamour to their own agendas. Nevertheless, the New Culture Movement shaped China’s 20th century. As only some agendas could credibly be sold as the Movement, it catalysed the plethora of competing agendas that had emerged since the 19th century to tackle the challenges of a changed world order. The New Culture Movement later became a founding myth of ‘Modern China’ and was regarded as the obvious result of global trends towards ‘modernisation,’ which visionary intellectuals recognised. But more recent literature has decentred the Movement, noted a longer history of its ideas and the careerism of its participants. I drive this point further by showing that, at the Movement’s very core, were practically-minded business and marketing strategies, deployed by numerous, lesser-known actors. It was in this way that the course for 20th-century China and one of its founding myths was set.