Thesis (Thesis (M.Dev. (Planning and Management)) -- University of Limpopo, 2021 / The purpose of this study is to investigate perspectives of the restitution programme with special reference to the Mamahlola community in the Maruleng Municipality of Limpopo Province in South Africa. The community is among the many who were dispossessed of their land during the apartheid era. After a long struggle, empowered by new legislation passed on the country’s attainment of democracy in 1994, the community received their dispossessed land back. Based on a qualitative research design, the study uses semi-structured interviews to collect data. Three focus groups participated in the study. These consist of the Banareng ba Letsoalo Tribal Council, the Maruleng Local Municipality Ward 9 Ward Committee and the Mamahlola Communal Property Association. The findings of this research reveal that, ironically, the land restitution programme did not bring any improvement to the livelihoods of the Mamahlola community, as would have been expected. Instead, it raised accusations of financial maladministration, poor communication, mistrust, conflict and divisions within the previously homogenous community. The study recommends that the Department of Rural Development and Land Reform and the Department of Agriculture should play oversight roles in all settled restitution claims relating to food production, to ensure continuity and proper financial management. Secondly, it recommends that beneficiaries should be trained in skills relevant to land activities to ensure that the owners of the land work the land. Thirdly, the settlement plan should include an employment plan for the beneficiaries to ensure that they also benefit from the land; and lastly, the issue of the distance between the current location and the claimed land needs to be addressed as part of the settlement plan, as it seems to have contributed significantly to the failures of the Mamahlola project and contradicts the objectives of the restitution programme.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: District Six originated in the eighteen fifties on neighbouring wine farms close to Cape Town's city centre. The first inhabitants were Europeans, but were later joined by free slaves. By 1849 the total number of inhabitants was 2943 and as a municipal area became known as the sixth district of Cape Town. Over the years District Six developed an own unique cosmopolitan character and despite a stigma as a backward residential area District Six developed as a multiracial community with its own vibrant spirit. By 1966 there were 3700 properties of which 56% were owned by Whites, 26% by Coloureds and 18% by Indians. In the same year the area had 21 schools and 17 places of worship. One of the main causes of physical deterioration was overpopulation. The occupancy figure by the 1850's was approximately 2,5 persons per habitable room. Overcrowding led to subletting of even the smallest rooms and resulted in gross exploitation of tenants, horrific crime and moral decay, all of which contributed to the slum status of the area. In 1962 the City of Cape Town devised a pilot plan for the rehabilitation of the area, but this plan was never implemented. Years of neglect of municipal services worsened the degredation of many historic buildings as well as decent living conditions for its residents. In 1962 the Group Areas Board recommended that District Six be declared a Coloured Group Area. The N.P. government rejected this recommendation and on 11 February 1966 through Proclamation 43, declared 94 hectares of the traditional District Six as an area for White occupation. Between 1965 and 1975 the government froze all property transactions in District Six to enable them to plan the redevelopment of the area. The state made financial offers to property owners, but only 10% accepted these. The majority declined these and blamed this on inflexible property valuations of the state. By 1980 the state had spent R25 million on the acquisition of properties in District Six. Government demolition of structures took place between 1968 and 1982 and resulted in the flattenning of most buildings except for a few churches. Expropriated Coloured and Indian residents were removed to the newly created residential areas on the Cape Flats. Although some previous residents of District Six were happy with their accommodation most objected to the high bond repayments on their new homes, higher transport cost to work and the breakdown of existing communities. The biggest opposition to the declaration of District Six as an area for White occupation came from local groups, namely: The Friends of District Six and the District Six Residents', Rent and Ratepayers Association (RRR). Opposition political parties and the press used the physical and mental suffering of the residents to challenge the government. The redevelopment of District Six was characterised by continous changes to proposed plans. In 1964 the government appointed the Niemand Committee to investigate the replanning and redevelopment of District Six. In 1970 a master plan for redevelopment was recommended . In 1974 the first properties were sold to white people by the government. In 1975 the neighbouring Walmer Estate was declared a Coloured Group Area and three years later District Six was renamed as Zonnebloem. In 1979 parts of the neighbouring Woodstock and Salt River were declared Coloured Group Areas. In 1982 the Presidents Council recommended that part of District Six be returned to the Coloured community, but the government rejected this and in October 1982 year the first whites settled in District Six. The following year a part of District Six was declared Coloured area. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Distrik Ses het in die vyftigerjare van die negentiende eeu op aanliggende wynplase van Kaapstad ontstaan. Aanvanklik het Blankes van verskillende nasionaliteite daar gevestig en later het vrygestelde slawe die inwonertal laat toeneem. Teen 1849 was die inwonertal ongeveer 2943 en in 1867 het die gebied bekend geword as die sesde distrik van Kaapstad . Distrik Ses het n eiesoortige en unieke kosmopolitiese karakter ontwikkel. Ten spyte van n stigma van agterlikheid het die gebied n borrelende en veelrassige gemeenskap gehad. In 1966 was daar ongeveer 3700 eiendomme in Distrik Ses waarvan 56% aan Blankes, 26% aan Kleurlinge en 18% aan Indiers behoort het. Teen 1966 was daar 21 skole en sewentien plekke van godsdienstige aanbidding in die gebied. Oorbevolking was een van die grootste oorsake van verval in die gebied. In die vyftigerjare was die besettingsyfer van geboue ongeveer 2,5 persone per bewoonbare vertrek. Die gevolg was onderverhuring, gruwelike uitbuiting van huurders, misdaad en sedelike verval wat aan die gebied n slumstatus besorg het. Jarelange verwaarlosing van munisipale dienste het tot vervaI van gebouestrukture en Iewenstoestande gelei. Die stadsraad se loodsplan vir opruiming in 1962 is nooit geimplementeer nie. Die Groepsgebiederaad het in 1962 aanbeveel dat die gebied as n Kleurling-groepsgebied verklaar moes word. Ten spyte van die aanbeveling is 94 hektaar van die tradisionele Distrik Ses op 11 Februarie 1966 volgens Proklamasie 43 van 1966 as n Blanke Groepsgebied verklaar. Die regering het vanaf 1965 tot 1975 aile eiendomstransaksies in Distrik Ses gevries om sodoende die herontwikkeling van die gebied te beplan. Ongeveer 10% van die eienaars het die staat se aanbod vir hul eiendom aanvaar. Die meeste het egter beswaar gemaak teen die staat se onbuigsame skattings. Teen 1980 het die staat R25 miljoen bestee aan die verkryging Slopingswerk in Distrik Ses het tussen 1968 en 1982 plaasgevind. Byna aIle geboue is gesloop en slegs enkele kerke is behou. Inwoners is na verskeie woonbuurte op die Kaapse Vlakte verskuif Alhoewel sommige vorige inwoners van Distrik Ses tevrede was met hulle nuwe woonplekke was die meeste ontevrede oor die hoe verbandkoste van nuwe wonings, hoer reiskoste en die verbrokkeling van gemeenskappe. Die grootste opposisie teen die Blankverklaring van Distrik Ses was The Friends of District Six en die District Six Residents', Rent and Ratepayers' Association (RRR). Opposisiepolitieke partye en die pers het die regering se rassebeleid aangeval deur te konsentreer op die ontberinge van die inwoners. Die herontwikkeling van Distrik Ses is gekenmerk deur voortdurende verandering. In 1964 is die Niemand-komitee aangestel om die herbeplanning en herontwikkeling van Distrik Ses te ondersoek. In 1970 is n meesterplan vir die ontwikkeling van Distrik Ses aanbeveel. In Julie 1974 het die regering die eerste eiendom in Distrik Ses aan Blankes verkoop. In 1975 is die aangrensende Walmer Estate tot Kleurlinggroepsgebied verklaar. Distrik Ses is in 1978 herdoop en R9 rniljoen is bewillig vir die rehabilitasieskema. In 1979 is dele van die aangrensende Woodstock en Soutrivier tot Kleurlinggroepsgebiede verklaar. In 1980 is ri gewysigde plan vir die ontwikkeling van Distrik Ses voorgele. In 1981 het die regering die Presidentsraad se aanbeveling dat n gedeelte van Distrik Ses aan die Kleurlinggemeenskap teruggegee moes word, verwerp. In Oktober 1982 het die eerste blankes in Distrik Ses gevestig. In 1983 is n gedeelte van Distrik Ses as Kleurlinggebied verklaar.

Many authors and practitioners involved in rural or local development agree that co-operation and the integration of efforts by the delivery agents is crucial for sustainable development programmes. The delivery of Land Reform as initiated by the new government in South Africa (SA) is one programme that has been faced by a number of challenges including the slow pace of delivery, lack of support and co-operation from the key stakeholders, negligible impact on the improvement in the lives of its beneficiaries and many others. Many Land Reform participants including the government argue that among the challenges facing this programme is a lack of co-operation between the key stakeholders including the different spheres of government involved or impacted upon by the delivery of the Land Reform programme. The Department of Land Affairs (DLA) which is responsible for Land Reform delivery is facing challenges in integrating Land Reform with the rural or local level development which is facilitated by the local and district municipalities through the Integrated Development Planning (IDP) process. This thesis seeks to look at how the Land Reform planning process and the internal spatial data systems within the DLA can be used to integrate Land Reform delivery with the municipal IDP processes to attain integrated rural development. There is a growing realization of the fact that the development of an integrated spatial data is critical for sustainable development in SA. A number of initiatives have been embarked upon by various organizations to establish the spatial data infrastructure. However these efforts have been reported to be often fragmented and isolated in the areas of operation and focus. Thus, the challenge is to develop a strategy to develop an integrated spatial data infrastructure that would be used to support sustainable development programmes such as the Land Reform programme. This thesis therefore proposes to look at the various data sources particularly within the DLA and from other organs of state involved in Land Reform and local development with a view to highlight the limitation and shortcomings that can be addressed in integrated spatial data infrastructure. To assess the current status of the spatial data sources and usage for Land Reform implementation, an analysis of the spatial data sources within the DLA was conducted to determine its suitability for the development of an integrated spatial data infrastructure. Different sections of the DLA responsible for acquiring and providing spatial data were assessed to ascertain whether their data can be shared, transferred or integrated to support the Land Reform implementation. An integrated spatial data infrastructure is then proposed as a solution to forge co-operation and collaboration among all users involved in Land Reform implementation. / Thesis (M.Sc.) - University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2006.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Land reform is a vital political issue that has been fiercely debated in recent years, especially in South Africa. With the historical background of South Africa consisting of colonialism and political resistance that resulted in racial discrimination, apartheid was forced onto the black citizens by the white government. To correct the injustices of the apartheid regime, the new democratic government had to find a way to redistribute land that was previously owned by citizens previously disposed of their land. The South African government uses land reform to address the social, political and economic issues that this newly democratic country face; however, it has not been implemented very well to date. The aim of this study was to determine the perceptions on the progress and implementation of land reform in the Matzikama Municipality of South Africa. With different stakeholders’ perceptions to be taken into consideration, this study focused on three aspects: (1) the perceptions of commercial farmers in the Matzikama Municipality; (2) the progress of Equity Share Scheme (ESS) projects in the Matzikama Municipality; and (3) the perceptions of the key role players on land reform. The study focused on the commercial farmer members of the Vredendal famers’ association and members of the ESS projects in close proximity to Vredendal. The research objectives of this study were sixfold, namely (1) to examine the literature on land reform to establish an understanding of what land reform is about, what overall objectives it has, what types and approaches exist and how it has been implemented internationally; (2) to investigate policies, legislation and the land reform programme of South Africa and how it has been implemented nationally; (3) to identify the perceptions of the commercial farmers in the Matzikama municipal area on land reform; (4) to determine how successful or unsuccessful land reform projects have been in the Matzikama municipal area by investigating farms that have incorporated it; (5) to identify the perceptions that key role players have on land reform and to use these perceptions to assess the current state of the land reform programme in the study area; and (6) to identify the problems that the land reform programme is experiencing and to make recommendations on how to improve the current state of land reform. The necessary data was collected through a questionnaire survey among commercial farmers and conducting interviews with beneficiaries of ESS projects and key role-players. The data was then analysed by making use of Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) and Microsoft Excel. The findings indicate that the commercial farmers have a very negative perception of land reform, the main reason being that they felt the government was targeting white commercial farmers, and some respondents indicated that they felt insecure about land security. As for ESS projects in the Matzikama Municipality, the projects have not being very successful, although the Alfalfa land reform project is still trying to uplift its shareholders. From the data collected from the interviews conducted with the key role players, five problems were identified relating to the current implementation of the land reform programme in the study area in general: (1) the incoherence of the current policy-making approach and the massive gaps between national and local stakeholders in the current decision-making approach; (2) the slow acquisition process for agricultural land due to cumbersome bureaucracy; (3) the lack of partnership and integration between government departments, the private sector and beneficiaries; (4) the lack of government support, which has contributed to the poor success rate of land reform projects; and (5) the beneficiaries’ inexperience and lack of skills concerning farming. To address the problems identified with the current implementation of the land reform programme in South Africa, it is recommended that the government reassesses the approach it has been using to try to redistribute agricultural land. This can be done by ensuring that officials dealing with land reform have the necessary skills and experience to implement the strategies. The government should also consider a grassroots approach when identifying land for redistribution by making use of local communities. Funding from the government is also crucial and should be allocated appropriately. Lastly, the government should invest in programmes that focus on educating emerging farmers on managing a commercial farm successfully. / AFRIKKANSE OPSOMMING: Grondhervorming is 'n belangrike politieke kwessie waaroor daar die afgelope paar jaar heftig gedebatteer word, veral in Suid-Afrika. Met die geskiedkundige agtergrond van Suid-Afrika, bestaande uit kolonialisme en politieke weerstand wat gelei het tot rasse diskriminasie, is apartheid deur die wit regering afgedwing op swart burgers. Om die ongeregtighede van apartheid reg te stel, moes die nuwe demokratiese regering 'n manier vind om grond te herverdeel aan die voorheen benadeelde burgers wat voor apartheid die grond besit het. Die Suid-Afrikaanse regering gebruik grondhervorming om die sosiale, politieke en ekonomiese kwessies wat hierdie nuwe demokratiese land in die gesig staar, aan te spreek, maar dit word nie so goed geïmplementeer as wat die voorheen benadeelde burgers verwag het nie. Die doel van hierdie studie was om die persepsies oor die vordering met en implementering van die grondhervormingsprogram in die Matzikama Munisipaliteit van Suid-Afrika te bepaal. Met verskillende belanghebbendes se persepsies wat in ag geneem moet word, het hierdie studie gefokus op drie standpunte: (1) die persepsies van kommersiële boere in die Matzikama Munisipaliteit; (2) die vordering van Gedeelde-eienaarskapskema (ESS – Equity Share Scheme) projekte in die Matzikama Munisipaliteit, en (3) die sleutel rolspelers se persepsie oor grondhervorming. Die studie het gefokus op die kommersiële boere wat lid was van die Vredendal Boerevereniging en lede van die AWS projekte in die nabyheid van Vredendal. Daar was ses doelwitte vir hierdie studie, naamlik (1) om die literatuur oor grondhervorming te ondersoek om 'n begrip te bekom van wat grondhervorming is, watter algemene doelstellings dit het, watter tipe grondhervormng en benaderings bestaan, en om vas te stel hoe grondhervorming op ’n internasionale vlak geïmplementeer word; (2) om ondersoek in te stel oor die beleide, wetgewing en grondhervormingsprogram van Suid-Afrika en hoe dit op die nasionale vlak geïmplementeer word; (3) om die persepsies van die kommersiële boere in die Matzikama Munisipale gebied oor grondhervorming te identifiseer; (4) om te bepaal hoe suksesvol of onsuksesvol grondhervormingsprojekte in die Matzikama Munisipale area is deur ondersoek in te stel op plase wat AWS projekte begin het, (5) die persepsies wat belangrike rolspelers oor grondhervorming het, te identifiseer en hierdie persepsies te gebruik om die huidige toestand van die grondhervormingsprogram in Suid-Afrika te bepaal, en (6) die probleme wat die grondhervormingsprogram ondervind te identifiseer en aanbevelings te maak oor hoe om die huidige stand van grondhervorming in Suid-Afrika te verbeter. Deur die verspreiding van vraelyste onder die kommersiële boere en deur onderhoude met begunstigdes van AWS projekte en sleutel rolspelers te voer, is die noodsaaklike data ingesamel, waarna dit ontleed is deur gebruik te maak van die Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) en Microsoft Excel. Daar is bevind dat die kommersiële boere ’n baie negatiewe persepsie oor grondhervorming het. Die hoof rede hiervoor is dat hulle voel die regering teiken wit kommersiële boere en sommige respondente het aangedui dat hulle onseker voel oor grondsekuriteit. Die AWS-projekte was nog nie regtig suksesvol in die Matzikama Munisipaliteit nie, maar die Alfalfa grondhervormingsprojek bestaan nog en probeer om die aandeelhouers op te hef. Uit die data wat deur die onderhoude met die sleutel rolspelers versamel is, is vyf probleme met die huidige implementering van die grondhervormingsprogram van Suid-Afrika geïdentifiseer: (1) die onsamehangendheid van die huidige benadering tot beleidskepping en die massiewe gapings tussen die nasionale en plaaslike belanghebbendes wat die huidige besluitnemingsbenadering aanbetref, (2) die stadige verkrygingsproses van landbougrond weens omslagtige burokrasie; (3) die gebrek aan vennootskappe en integrasie tussen regeringsdepartemente, die private sektor en die begunstigdes van grondhervorming; (4) die gebrek aan ondersteun van die regering, wat bydra tot die swak slaagsyfer van grondhervormingsprojekte, en (5) die gebrek aan begunstigdes met ervaring en vaardighede met betrekking tot die landbou. Om die probleme met die huidige implementering van die grondhervormingsprogram in Suid-Afrika aan te spreek, word dit aanbeveel dat die regering die benadering wat hulle gebruik om doe herverdeling van landbougrond te finaliseer, herevalueer. Dit kan gedoen word deur te verseker dat amptenare wat met grondhervorming werk die noodsaaklike vaardighede en ondervinding het om die nodige strategieë te implementeer. Die regering moet ook oorweeg om met behulp van die plaaslike gemeentskap grond te indentifiseer wat beskikbaar is vir herverdeling. Befondsing van die regering is ook van kardinale belang en moet toepaslik toegeken word. Laastens moet die regering belê in programme wat fokus op die opvoeding van opkomende boere wat hulle kan in staat stel om ’n suksesvolle kommersiële boere te word.

To redress past discrepancies in land tenure, the ANC government acknowledged that land needs to be made accessible to the previously disadvantaged, announcing that commonage would be a pillar of their land reform programme. Municipal commonage is land granted by the state to municipalities for urban households to use. Presently many urbanites in South Africa seek a livelihood from commonage. However, there has been no livelihood valuation of the contribution commonage makes to previously disadvantaged households. Thus there is a need to calculate the benefits of the commonage programme. Through a two phase approach, this thesis investigated firstly, the proportion of township households which use commonage; and the main characteristics of those households. Secondly, the thesis looks at the extent to which commonage contributes to users' livelihoods and the dominant livelihood strategies pursued by user households. Data was collected for three towns in the Eastern Cape province of South Africa; Bathurst, Fort Beaufort, and Grahamstown. Firstly it was found that between 27-70% of households used commonage, with the largest town having the lowest proportion of users, and vice versa for the smallest town. In terms of household characteristics, each study town was unique. Both Bathurst and Grahamstown user households were poorer than non-using households, however all Fort Beaufort households were considered poor. To assess the benefits of the commonage programme, the marketed and non-marketed consumptive direct-use values of land-based livelihoods on commonage were calculated via the 'own reported values' method. Commonage contributions to total livelihoods ranged between 14-20%. If the contributors from commonage were excluded, over 10% of households in each study town would drop to living below the poverty line. Additionally, commonage was being used productively, with the productivity at each study town being worth over R1 000 per hectare and over R4.7 million per commonage. Finally, a typology of subsistence/survivalist commonage users is presented, with four types being identified. Overall, results suggest that commonage use has increased over the last decade. Moreover, due to food inflation and urbanisation the use of commonage is expected to increase further, highlighting the need for holistic commonage management plans to be created, which should include strategies such as sustainable grazing regimes and natural resource management.

Land is a finite resource for sustainable livelihoods of the general population and the foundation of South Africa’s diverse culture. However, throughout our South African history, the land question has been a contentious, sensitive and emotive issue ever since the inception of the colonial era, thus the democratic dispensation views the Land Reform Programme as a panacea to the historical inequalities with regard to land ownership, distribution and forced removals, as well as viewing it as a tool to achieve socio-economic and political stability. Since globally, land reform arose mainly because of inequalities of resources or to control resources,the overall view in South Africa is that land ownership can be optimally utilised for redistribution, reform, effective administration and for developmental purposes; and, as a result, change in land ownership, use and control has become imperative. This study seeks to evaluate the democratic government’s intervention and the efficacy of the urban tenure reform programme in dealing with unequal and racial ownership of urban land in the old(pre 1994) former Black urban settlements such SOWETO, by investigating legislation and policy related to land ownership, and the current tenure and ownership system and status in both Zola and Orlando.Document analysis is a form of qualitative research used by the researcher to provide voice and meaning around an assessed researched topic, and findings further reveal the challenges faced in the implementation or execution phaseof the urban tenure remedial programme, and the current status and the remedial programme benefits, while recommendations are made in terms of systems and processes in order to accelerate service delivery, and with the emphasis of the importance of capacity building for stakeholders, including the benefiting community. misperception that the Land Reform Programme only relates to the “rural” areas and “the transfer of agricultural land from dissertation investigates the evolution of land tenure or ownership rights in the former black urban human settlements, looking at the discriminatory laws and policies of the past, consequent political resistance and other milestones as well as the democratic government’s interventions in this regard whites to ... / Public Administration / M. P. A.

The research explored the causal relationship between the communal land tenure and the stagnant agricultural productivity in rural villages. It is assumed that there is covariance between the communal land tenure and the stagnant agricultural productivity. The communal land tenure deprived the villagers of the land ownership rights to mortgage their landholdings to secure agricultural credit from financial institutions, or to advance them as own contributions to obtain Government-provided grants under the ILRAD. Under such circumstances, the villagers could not raise the level of agricultural productivity. The Permit to Occupy (PTO) certificates, issued to the landholders, provided for usufruct rights only i.e. right to occupy and use an allotment. The related research was conducted at Nonkcampa village. The metatheory, “Positivism” and the quantitative paradigm were applied to collate and analyse the data. The research findings confirmed the correlation between the land tenure and the agricultural productivity, as the respondents claimed not to have had any access to agricultural inputs. Hence, the agricultural productivity on the arable land had stagnated.

The interpretations of the war of 1835 and the identity of the Fingo that were presented by the English settlers, have remained the mainstays of all subsequent histories. They asserted that the war of 1835 was the fault purely of 'Kaffir' aggression, that it was controlled by Hintza, the paramount chief, and that the ensuing hostilities were justifiable colonial defence and punishment of the Africans. The arrival of the Fingo in the Colony, it was claimed, was unconnected with the war. It was alleged that the seventeen thousand Fingo brought into the Colony in May 1835 were all Natal refugees who had fled south from the devastations of Shaka and the 'mfecane', and who had then become oppressed by their Gca1eka hosts. Both of these 'histories' need to be inverted. The 'irruption' of December 1834 was not unprovoked Rharhabe aggression, but the final response to years of the advance of the Cape Colony. Large areas of Rharhabe land had been expropriated, and their cattle regularly raided. Their women and children had been seized and taken into the Colony as labourers. The attacks were carried out by only a section of the Rharhabe on specific areas in Albany. The damage caused, and stock taken, was vastly exaggerated by the colonists. The Cape Governor, D'Urban, and British troop reinforcements arrived in Albany in January, and the Rharhabe were invaded two months later. D'Urban later invaded the innocent Gcaleka, took cattle, wreaked havoc and killed Hintza after he refused to ally with the Colony. The Fingo made their appearance at this moment. They were not a homogenous group. There were four categories within the term: mission and refugee collaborators (who were given land at Peddie and had chiefs appointed), military auxiliaries, labourers, and later, destitute Rharhabe seeking employment in the Colony. Only a small minority of the total Fingo were from Natal. The majority of the Fingo appear to have been Rharhabe and Gcaleka women and children, captured by the troops during the war and distributed on farms in the eastern districts to ameliorate the chronic labour shortage. Thus, instead of the year 1835 being one of great loss for the eastern Cape, as claimed by the settler apologists, it was a catalyst to the economic development of the area. All Rharhabe land was seized, to be granted as settler farms. Well over sixty thousand Rharhabe and Gcaleka cattle were captured and distributed amongst the colonists. The security threat of the adjacent Rharhabe and the independent Gcaleka was removed. And a large colonial labour supply was ensured.

This study concerns the analysis of policy, and the statutory and regulatory impact of spatial planning on the land reform programme with emphasis on the land reform settlement plan (LSRP) of the Amathole District Municipality (ADM). There is a brief historical overview of the effect of the policy of spatial segregation in both rural and urban areas of the ADM. This study demonstrates, inter alia, the challenges faced by the ADM in both consolidating and physically integrating communities that were hitherto divided across racial lines. The critical question is whether the ADM has the ability to produce a Spatial Development Framework (SDF), which will be responsive to the needs of the region and serve as a catalyst in reversing the physical distortions caused by the land-planning legislation of the apartheid past. The greatest challenge lies in meeting the developmental aspirations of the Development Facilitation Act, 1995, the Local Government: Municipal Systems Act, 2000 and the National Spatial Development Perspective, 2003. Chapter 1 deals with the purpose, research problem and the method of research, as well as the definition of terms used in this research and literature review. Chapter 2 deals with the evolution of central themes of spatial planning and land reform, spatial development plans and integrated development plans (IDPs), the alignment of Amathole SDF and Eastern Cape Spatial Development Plan and the co-ordination of spatial frameworks. Chapter 3 deals with the composition of the ADM and the evolution of the LRSP, as well as land-tenure reform programmes impacting on the Amathole Municipality region. This chapter analyses the settlement plan against spatial planning legislation, the issue of institutional arrangements and mechanisms of consolidated local planning processes. Chapter 5 deals with the thorny issue of participation of traditional leaders in municipal planning and the government’s land-reform programme. Despite the existence of legislation in this regard, implementation seems to pose some difficulties. This chapter also deals with the co-operative governance framework. Chapter 6 is a concluding chapter dealing with the gaps discovered in the Amathole Municipality in the light of existing legislation. Reference to cases is made to demonstrate the challenges confronting the ADM. One notable aspect is the issue of urban-rural dichotomy and how the two worlds are positioned in their competition for the use of space. It is evident from this research that the post-1994 policy and legislative framework and implementation machinery lacks capacity to change the current form of the apartheid city-planning paradigm, something which impacts immensely on the sustainability of the current human-settlement development programmes. Population dynamics in terms of migration are hugely driven by search for employment opportunities and better services. The efficiency and ability of the municipal spatial evelopment frameworks in directing and dictating the identification of development nodes in its juristic boundary informed by the overarching national policy and legislative framework is key in building a better South Africa.

South African rangelands in combination with their surrounding homesteads occupy 13% of the entire land surface in South Africa. These rangelands are a source of forage for communal livestock. The rangelands in communal tenure system are degraded due to high human population and livestock numbers. The rangeland of Peddie was never evaluated since the introduction of Nguni Cattle Empowerment Project. Therefore, socio-ecological evaluation was conducted in order to interlink farmer‟s perceptions and scientific data to recommend appropriate rangeland management and restoration programme. Two structured questionnaires consisting of close and open ended questions were used to investigate farmer‟s perceptions on rangeland condition, dynamics, and their causes. Sixty households were randomly selected on the bases of livestock ownership and the membership in Nguni Cattle Project. In each household, any respondent of 20 years or greater, and a key informant of age greater than 40 years were selected. For scientific assessment of range condition, three homogenous vegetation units namely grassland, scattered and dense bushland were demarcated into four 100m x 50m replicates. In each replicate, two 100m transects were laid parallel to each other with 30m equidistant apart. The step point and harvesting method along each transect were employed for herbaceous species composition and biomass production. The point-to-tuft distance was also determined as a proxy for basal cover. Woody density, species composition and tree equivalents were determined in 200m2 belt transects in each HVU replicates. The germination method for soil seed bank evaluation was also employed to find plant species composition and density. The soil nutrients (OC, N, P, K, Na, Ca, Mg, Zn, Cu and Mn) and pH were analysed through solution preparation and observation under photospectrometer to determine functional capacity of the soil of Peddie rangeland. The farmer‟s perceptions comprised of 63% females and 37% males (n = 120) with a mean household of 8 people, 5 adults and 3 children. It was perceived by 93.3% respondents that the rangeland of Peddie have undergone changes over two decades. These changes were perceived by 83% respondents to be accompanied by decline in livestock numbers. Woody encroachment and overgrazing were perceived to be the major attributes of these vegetation changes. The scientific rangeland condition assessment confirmed that these changes were more pronounced as bush density increases. Dense bushland had a significantly high (p<0.05) encroached condition with 6650 trees ha-1 and 4909.5 TE ha-1 beyond the recommended thresholds of 2400 trees ha-1 and 2500 TE ha-1 respectively. Scattered bushland had a fair condition of 1950 trees ha-1 and 1198.1TE ha-1. Themeda triandra as a key species was significantly higher (p<0.05) in grassland (31.1%) than scattered (15.6%) and dense bushland (6.1%). There was a declining trend in biomass production from grassland to dense bushland. The summer biomass production was significantly higher (p<0.05) in grassland than scattered and dense bushland but winter biomass was not significantly different (p>0.05) from all homogenous vegetation units of Peddie rangeland. However, the soil fertility increased with an increase in bush density except organic carbon (OC) which was 1.61% in grassland, 1.46% in scattered and 1.53% in dense bushland respectively. Soil N, K, P, Mg2+ Na+, Ca2+, Cu, Zn, Mn and pH were significantly higher (p<0.05) in dense bushland than grassland and scattered bushland. High soil fertility in dense bushland may be attributed to by abscission of woody plants and litter decomposition. In the soil seed bank, the abundances of forbs were significantly higher than sedges (χ2 = 12, df = 1, p = 0.001) and grasses (χ2 = 8.333, df = 1, p = 0.004) in all homogenous vegetation units while sedges were not significantly different (χ2 = 3, df = 1, p = 0.083) from grasses. The Sorensen‟s index indicated that soil seed bank and extant vegetation were significantly different (p<0.05). Annual and biennial forbs and sedges had high abundances while perennial grasses formed a bulk in above ground vegetation. This provided an insight that a reliance on soil seed bank for restoration of Peddie rangeland would not be advisable because it can result in retrogression. The communal rangeland assessment provided clear qualitative and quantitative data when the combination of indigenous knowledge and scientific assessments was done. The rationale is that conclusions and recommendations of range assessment are relient on the farmer‟s perceptions pertinent to their livestock production systems and their rangeland management objectives. This study has shown that inclusion of communal farmers in policy making can provide better insight because those are the people experiencing the consequences of range degradation.