For over five centuries, the Muiscas have faced direct colonial aggression against their traditional belief systems and sacred practices that have been historically demonized and driven to the brink of extinction. Despite such circumstances, however, the Muisca community has thrived to the present day, and since the turn of the twentieth century has begun to undergo a process of re-identification as an indigenous community in an attempt to revitalize their ethnic identity and practices. These efforts of re-indigenization have challenged their historically coerced identities, actively engaging in returning to traditional practices and beliefs, demand cultural and spiritual liberties, and regain their proper rights to sacred lands, which have also been devastated for centuries. Based on an ethnographic study conducted in Colombia, this thesis examines how rituals in sacred places are of central importance to this community within the re-indigenization process that is currently underway in the Muisca community.

The purpose of this thesis is to understand the way in which religion and politics played a role in the formulation of a cyclical ethos of conflict, focusing in the last and most important civil war of nineteenth-century Colombia: The War of the Thousand Days (1899-1902). A historiographical review was used to understand the interactions between these two structures, and it pointed at a main problem centered in the political use of religion, as well as the transformation of political debate into a matter of political faith. In conclusion, the War of the Thousand days strengthened narratives of vengeance, worsened the situation of the country, and solidified an ethos of conflict in which the State used the Church to legitimize itself against the threats to the status quo of systemic inequality.

El cierre y desmantelamiento de gran parte de los centrales azucareros cubanos con la llegada del milenio, que se puede definir como la debacle azucarera, creó dos urgencias. Por un lado, la pérdida de los referentes culturales produjo un vacío, un trauma, un desarraigo, que clamaba por un espacio de representación. Por el otro, esta misma experiencia desgarradora creó la necesidad de rescatar el papel que el azúcar había jugado en la Historia, la identidad y la cultura cubana. El presente estudio, además de examinar varias de las obras que se produjeron en respuesta a la debacle azucarera, también intenta responder a esa segunda necesidad, reflexionando acerca de la presencia del azúcar en Cuba, a través del análisis de un amplio corpus unificado por “el motivo del azúcar”. Partiendo de estudios fundamentales en torno a la historia del azúcar en Cuba (Ortiz 1940, Moreno Fraginals 1978, Benítez Rojo 1998 y 2010), en este estudio exploro la presencia constante y totalizadora del azúcar en la nación, sistematizando e integrando, en un corpus concreto, un conjunto de textos heterogéneos con el azúcar como denominador común. Además de identificar y deslindar este corpus, mi estudio lo inserta y lo discute en el amplio marco histórico referencial del devenir del azúcar como símbolo de la nación cubana, estableciendo un diálogo enriquecedor y productivo entre los textos, su contexto de producción y el contexto histórico general en que este corpus azucarero se gesta. Como parte de esa discusión, mi trabajo documenta y destaca la relevancia que, desde el punto de vista histórico y político, debe adjudicársele a un grupo de obras recientes, surgidas en respuesta a la reestructuración, llamando la atención hacia la importancia capital de estos textos para la reconstrucción fidedigna del impacto humano causado por la debacle azucarera cubana.

This thesis explores the structures of white supremacist capitalist patriarchy as embodied in US systems of oppression and violence both within the United States and in El Salvador. As the United States illegally funded and trained the Salvadoran military during its 1978-1992 civil war, it simultaneously transformed the domestic prison system into one of mass incarceration, torture, and social death. In examining both policies, their roots in violence, racial capitalism, and gendered oppression emerge. Furthermore, by focusing the examination within a gendered lens, the potential of such methods of resistance such as radical transnational feminist praxis come to the forefront as today’s most integrated method of tearing down such pernicious systems of violence. As this thesis connects the dots between seemingly disparate structures of exclusion and incapacitation, the global levels of both infrastructural violence and feminist resistance surface.

This thesis discusses the impact of the Haitian Revolution on the United States as a lens through which to view the transnational nature of American exceptionalism. It concludes with an articulation of the necessity of incorporating this relational nature of United States identity development into high school coursework, and advocates for teaching about the Haitian Revolution as an effective means through which to do this.

This thesis explores the route to power of Venezuela's President Hugo Chávez and the methods by which he has remained in power throughout his presidency. Also, it explores the potential for Chávez to lose power, given the current economic and political situation in Venezuela. The importance of the oil industry, Chávez's suppression of the opposition and control of the media, and constitutional changes and reforms are all discussed as keys to Chávez's continuance in power.

This thesis postulates the narrative of Venezuelan psychiatrist and novelist Francisco Herrera Luque as one that demystifies the official historical discourse of his nation. Our argument is developed through a two-part analysis. First, we present and examine the author's characteristic method, one that he called "fabled history", and the way it deals with elements of Venezuela's historical past. Secondly, we analyze the way Herrera Luque, while crafting an undoubtedly historical narrative, also analyzes many elements of the Venezuelan idiosyncrasy and identity through the illustration of colonial life in the nation, in particular within the oligarchic social class known as mantuanos, a group of people who controlled the beating of the nation's young heart from its birth until its independence. To support our idea, we have used the theories of French philosopher Roland Barthes as our main theoretical basis for the mystification-demystification argument, for it is our view that his theory about myth as a self-justifying discourse is very proximal to what we believe to be Herrera Luque's vision about the role that patriotic or official history has played in Venezuela. We have also relied on the works of Linda Hutcheon and Hayden White to bring up the relationship between literature and history, especially regarding the narrative element in historiography, an essential element in what has been called the "new historical novel", a genre that presents new narrative approaches to history. Our work also presents several elements that show how Herrera Luque's work not only seeks continuity in a usually fragmented discourse, but also takes advantage of its literary condition to present some observations and analysis about Venezuelan collective identity. His attempt to narrate Venezuelan history from its beginnings until the first quarter of the 20th century has produced not only an irreverent look at the historical record, but also an effort to make sense out of a series of events whose disconnected condition has influenced the way that Venezuelans relate to their past. Furthermore, we conclude that perhaps the strongest message of Herrera Luque's narrative is that because of this distortion of the past, Venezuela is unable to have a clear understanding of its present.

In the centuries since the colonization of the New World, the people of Cuba created a strong musical tradition. Initially, their music mirrored the European composition canons of structural, melodic and harmonic order. The eventual confluence of its distinct cultural elements (i.e. the European, African, and, to a lesser extent, Amerindian) led to the emergence of a new, distinctly Cuban musical tradition. The wars for independence that began in the United States and Europe in the eighteenth century created a surge towards political and cultural autonomy that swept across the Latin American colonies, generating a wave of nationalism during the nineteenth century. After finally gaining its independence in 1902, Cuba sought to define itself as a nation. Cubans looked inward to their regional folklore—their indigenous and popular traditions—for the source of their national identity, a trend that became of primary interest to Cuban artists. The nationalist trend found full musical expression during the twentieth century, when composers turned to folklore for their inspiration in creating new art music (works for the concert hall) with a unique sound and vitality. This study concerns itself with the Cuban nationalist movement and its role in the creation of art music by twentieth-century Cuban composers, most specifically that of Mario Abril. The monograph is organized into three general sections: the first section (Chapters 2 and 3) identifies the significant characteristics of nationalism, describes the manifestation of some relevant nationalist movements (e.g., in Europe and Latin America), and explores the manifestation of the nationalist movement in Cuba. The second section (Chapters 4 and 5) provides a history of Cuban art music, concluding with a biographical sketch of composer Mario Abril. The third part (Chapters 6 and 7)consists of a study of the music, beginning with a description of the pertinent characteristics of Cuban popular music, followed by an examination Mario Abril’s Fantasía (Introduction and Pachanga) for clarinet and piano. The document concludes with remarks about the characteristics that qualify the work as an example of Cuban nationalist art music with suggestions for the study and interpretation of the work.

While many politicians gain national or international acclaim, domestic political activists are rarely remembered for their dedication and, similarly, their sufferings. More specifically, the acts of female political activists, and the harsh punishments they endure following government pushback, are not appreciated or acknowledged by popular histories. Across Great Britain, the United States, and Argentina, three women played crucial roles in advancing reform against unjust government policies. Josephine Butler (1828-1906) was a pivotal character in repealing laws allowing for the government regulation of prostitution, the Contagious Diseases Acts, in Great Britain. Similarly, Alice Paul (1885-1997) was essential in achieving the ratification of the Nineteenth Constitutional Amendment in the United States—granting universal suffrage. Lastly, Azucena Villaflor (1924-1977) was one of the first people, man or woman, to openly oppose the Junta dictatorship in Argentina and openly advocate for the release of information on desaparecidos. Despite advancing such important policy reform, all three women increasingly faced physical suffering, torture or death at the hands of their respective state governments. Amid a lack of media coverage or biased, partial media coverage paired with the direct confrontation of male government leaders, noncombatant activists were unjustly treated in violation of their fundamental human rights. Progressive, forceful voices for positive change are consistently dismissed as crazy, extreme or irrational, rather than praised for their efforts. In exploring the cycle of violence surrounding the treatment of political activists, it appears nationalist histories are often void of past government faults.

For my thesis, I analyze effects of recent political developments on the development of Mexico’s agriculture sector. In 1994, Mexico joined NAFTA, sparking major change in many of Mexico’s major industries as a result of lifted trade restrictions. In addition to joining NAFTA in 1994, Mexico has implemented domestic programs over the last thirty years with the goal of expanding its agriculture sector. While some of the effects of Mexico’s domestic policies are concurrent with the effects of NAFTA, I separately evaluate the effects of NAFTA and these domestic agriculture policies. Specifically, I analyze the effects of these political developments on Mexico’s agricultural sector by evaluating changes to the trade balances of four major categories of commodities: vegetables, fruits & nuts, dairy and cereals. I compare the changes to Mexico’s trade position with the changes to trade positions of a selected group of six countries, which I call the “comparison countries.” The trade data covers the time period of 1975-2012, enabling the analysis to adequately evaluate the changes to trade “before and after” these political developments intervened. I find that NAFTA had mixed effects on Mexico’s agriculture sector’s development. Some commodities experience growth and increased exports to NAFTA countries, suggesting that NAFTA effected these industries positively. On the other hand, I find that NAFTA marred the development of other commodities as a result of domestic policies in the US distorting trade. Finally, I find that the effects of Mexico’s domestic programs either aided in the growth of some commodities or simply enabled producers to remain in the competitive NAFTA markets.