The study makes a descriptive and analytical study of the development of the dynamic concept of the rule of law with special reference to the African contribution. First, the study shows that the Diceyan concept of the rule of law was narrow and peculiar to the Western liberal legal culture, and that more specifically, the substantive content of the concept of the rule of law was limited to the first generation of human rights. In its international and African context the concept was expanded to include all three generations of human rights and also identified with the concepts of democracy and the right of peoples and nations to self-determination. The expanded concept came to be known as the Dynamic Concept of the rule of law. Secondly, the study traces the origins and development of the principle of equal rights and self-determination and their extension to all peoples and nations and shows that these rights are universal, not relative, as they derive from the inherent worth and dignity of the individual. Also, the study shows that in the African context the three generations of human rights have been interlinked, made inter-dependent, and then identified with the rule of law, human rights and the right of self-determination (perceived as a right to democratic self-governance). Hence, the worth and dignity of the human personality has been made the fountainhead of human rights and have been elevated to the substantive elements of the Dynamic Concept of the rule of law and the basis of the modern African Constitutional State. Under the Colonial Rule both the Diceyan and the dynamic concept of the rule of law were not recognised. Instead, Colonial and racist regimes tried to create alternative institutions of government which denied the oppressed peoples the right to democratic self-governance and independence. However, Colonial and oppressed peoples relied on the dynamic concept of the rule of law in their freedom struggles and in the elaboration of their policies. Hence, the constitutions of all the former colonies in southern Africa under discussion were to different degrees informed by the Dynamic Concept of the rule of law. / Constitutional, International and Indigenous Law / LL.D

This thesis has been pre-occupied with four major interconnected projects. The first of these was a search for an understanding of the nature of the crisis of structural legitimacy that currently afflicts the fragmented post-colonial African state, an enquiry that examines the nature of the very phenomena that the law has sought to regulate. The second was to understand the nature, and social effects, of the various doctrinal attitudes historically exhibited by international law and institutions toward the phenomenon of "socio-cultural fragmentation within established states". In this respect, I have sought to understand the ways in which certain doctrines of international law and institutions have provided powerful arguments, justifications or excuses for those states that have deemed it necessary to attempt to forge coercively, both a sense of common citizenship, and an ethos of national coherence, among their various component sub-state groups. The third was to chart the ongoing normative and factual transformation of the traditional approaches that international law and institutions have adopted toward that problem, and thereby map the extent to which these institutions have taken advantage of such innovations, enabling them to actually contribute to the effort to prevent and/or reduce the incidence of internecine strife in specific African contexts. And the last was to recommend a way forward that is guided by the conclusions of the thesis: a way in which these institution-driven transformations can be encouraged and consolidated in the specific context of African states. For purposes of brevity and the imperative need for focus, these enquiries have been conducted in the specific but somewhat allegorical context of Africa. It is hoped, however, that even this largely Africa-specific analysis has contributed to the advancement of knowledge regarding the general question of the relationship among the doctrines of international law, the activities of multilateral institutions, and the management of the problems of socio-cultural fragmentation and internecine strife within established states. / Law, Peter A. Allard School of / Graduate

History has proven that, if freed from the grasp of the unitary executive, the elected Attorney General flourishes as a lawyer for the law dedicated above all else to the "public interest." In light of these proven benefits, the pressing question becomes whether this tested design can help the people of Africa as they fight to reclaim their wayward governments. Might a popularly elected Attorney General steady the bridge so Africa can pass through to freedom and prosperity? More immediately, does the divided executive with its elected attorney general represent a new hope for Africa in combating corruption? The author takes a critical look at the evolution of the elected Attorney General and uses the role of the Attorney General in the United States of America as an example. The author concludes that perhaps now is the time to start creating the history of Africa’s ultimate escape from the endless vestiges of colonialism still embedded in the unitary executive. Maybe now is the time for the peoples of Africa to borrow an idea from their American cousins and get their own lawyer! / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2008. / A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Mr. Tilahun Teshome in association with the Addis Ababa University / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/ / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of International Relations in the Faculty of Humanities Department of International Relations, 2016 / A feud between the African Union (AU) and the International Criminal Court (ICC) has been dragging for a while now. The indictment of President Omar Hassan Ahmad alBashir of Sudan and President Uhuru Kenyatta and his deputy president William Ruto in Kenya altered the cosy relations between the two organisations. Firstly, the AU contends that the ICC cannot prosecute heads of states that have immunity under international law. Secondly, the ICC disturbs the ongoing peace processes with its investigations. The AU accused the ICC of selecting African states for prosecution; as a protracted form of imperialism by prevailing western powers. Withstanding, some of the AU member states that are party to the ICC have willingly signed up to its jurisdiction. Besides, the AU’s founding documents support the fight against grave atrocities. Nonetheless, the AU has failed dismally to live up to the principles it endorses- which tantamount to hypocrisy. The contradictory rhetoric of the AU towards the ICC is not exclusive to the AU, but to international organisations due to conflicting pressures in external environments. The paper explains this empirical phenomenon by applying Organised Hypocrisy (OH) to capture such contradictory behaviour prone to international organisations. / XL2018

University of Macau / Faculty of Law

No abstract available. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2010.

In a democracy it is the citizens who choose their leaders. Through elections, the people constitute government to preside over public affairs. However, in several African countries the quality of the elections has been vitiated by fraud, incompetence, unequal playing field and violence. Part of the problem is historical. Within the first decade of attaining independence in the 1950s and 1960s, many African regimes rapidly descended into autocracy and many countries formally recognised one-party regimes. Despite many one-party regimes having been abolished after the democratisation wave of the late 1980s and early 1990s, challenges of holding free and fair elections persist. Several elections held since this democratic wave were generally not considered by independent observers as free and fair. Indeed Africa has become well known for flawed elections, such as was the case in the 2007 elections in Kenya, the 2008 elections in Zimbabwe and the 2010 elections in Ivory Coast. Due to the stifled democratic climate, where even elections had a predetermined outcome, coups became a common and regular method of showing discontent or removing government. While the phenomenon of problematic elections is going on, at the continental level, Africa seems to be making renewed commitment towards democratic governance. With the transformation of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) into the African Union (AU) through the adoption of the Constitutive Act of the African Union in 2000, the AU, inter alia, committed to promoting “democratic principles and institutions, popular participation and good governance” and seems determined to depart from the legacy of poor governance. It is in view of the foregoing background that this research sought to investigate the challenges the judiciary in Africa has faced in adjudicating presidential election disputes. And, in light of the growing trend towards establishing common African democratic standards and seeking collective solutions, the research also sought to explore the viability of establishing a continental supranational mechanism for resolving disputed presidential elections through adjudication. / Public, Constitutional and International Law / LLD

Thesis (LLD)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: It is generally recognised that diversity of laws may act as a barrier to the development of trade, both at international and regional level. In a globalised era, trade is necessary for economic development and ultimately for the alleviation of poverty. Although the WTO has done extensive work towards the removal of tariff barriers, there is also a need to focus on addressing non-tariff barriers which include legal barriers to trade. Institutionalised legal harmonisation at an international level has provided the necessary impetus for the development of harmonised laws in the area of international trade. The creation of regional economic communities within the purview of the WTO has also given rise to the necessity of legal harmonisation to facilitate intra-regional trade. A number of regional economic communities and organisations have noted legal harmonisation as one of their areas of regional cooperation. This study focuses on the need to harmonise the law of international sale within the SADC region in order to facilitate cross-border trade. The study points out that the harmonisation of sales laws in SADC is important for the facilitation of both inter-regional and intra-regional trade with the aim of fostering regional integration, economic development and alleviating poverty. Although the necessity of harmonising sales laws has been identified, no effort to this end exists currently in the SADC region. This study addresses the mechanisms by which such harmonisation could be achieved by analysing three models which have been selected for this purpose, namely the CISG, the OHADA and the proposed CESL. The main issues addressed include whether SADC Member States should adopt the CISG, join OHADA, emulate the CESL or should use any of the other instruments as a model for creating a harmonised sales law for SADC. In conclusion, it is observed that SADC has its own institutional and operational mechanisms that require a process and instrument tailor-made for the unique needs of the region. It is recommended that SADC should create its own common sales law based on the CISG but taking into account lessons learnt from both the OHADA system and the CESL. A number of legislative, institutional and operational transformative and reform mechanisms are recommended to enable the creation of such a community law and ensure its uniform application and interpretation. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Dit word algemeen aanvaar dat regsdiversiteit die ontwikkeling van internasionale en regionale handel kan strem. In 'n geglobaliseerde ekonomie is internasionale handel noodsaaklik vir ekonomiese onwikkeling en die uiteindelike verligting van armoede. Alhoewel die Wêreldhandelsorganisasie reeds belangrike werk doen om handelsbeperkinge te verlig, is daar ook 'n behoefte om, afgesien van tariewe, ook ander nie-tarief beperkinge op internasionale handel aan te spreek. Regsdiversiteit is een van hierdie beperkinge. Geïnstitusionaliseerde regsharmonisering op 'n internasionale vlak het reeds elders die nodige stukrag verleen vir die harmonisering van die reg van toepassing op internasionale handel. Die totstandkoming van regionale ekonomiese gemeenskappe binne die raamwerk van die Wêreldhandelsorganisasie noodsaak egter verdere regsharmonisering ten einde inter-regionale handel te kan bevorder. 'n Aantal streeksgemeenskappe en –organisasies hanteer reeds regsharmonisering as een van hul areas van samewerking op streeksvlak. Hierdie studie fokus op die behoefte om die internasionale koopreg binne die SAOG streek te harmoniseer ten einde oorgrenshandel te fasiliteer. Die studie toon aan dat harmonisering van die koopreg in die SAOG belangrik is ten einde beide inter-regionale asook intra-regionale handel te fasiliteer met die oog op die bevordering van streeksintegrasie, ekonomiese ontwikkeling en die verligting van armoede. Alhoewel die noodsaaklikheid van 'n geharmoniseerde koopreg geïdentifiseer is, is daar nog geen poging aangewend om dit binne die SAOG streek te bewerkstellig nie. Die studie spreek die meganismes aan waardeur harmonisering bereik kan word deur drie modelle wat vir hierdie doeleindes gekies is te ondersoek, naamlik die Internasionale Koopkonvensie (CISG), OHADA en die voorgestelde gemeenskaplike koopreg-regime van die Europese Unie (CESL). Van die kwessies wat aangespreek word is of the SAOG lidlande die Internasionale Koopkonvensie moet aanneem, by OHADA moet aansluit, alternatiewelik die Europese koopreg of enige van die ander instrumente as model gebruik vir die skep van ‟n geharmoniseerde SAOG koopreg. Ten slotte word daarop gewys dat die SAOG sy eie institusionele en operasionele meganismes het wat vereis dat die proses en instrument pas gemaak moet word vir die streek se unieke behoeftes. Dit word aanbeveel dat die SAOG sy eie gemeenskaplike koopreg moet skep wat op die CISG geskoei is, maar wat ook die lesse geleer uit die OHADA en die EU in ag neem. Ten einde so 'n gemeenskapsreg te kan skep en die uniforme toepassing en interpretasie daarvan te verseker, word 'n aantal wetgewende, institusionele en operasionele hervormingsmeganismes aan die hand gedoen.

In a democracy it is the citizens who choose their leaders. Through elections, the people constitute government to preside over public affairs. However, in several African countries the quality of the elections has been vitiated by fraud, incompetence, unequal playing field and violence. Part of the problem is historical. Within the first decade of attaining independence in the 1950s and 1960s, many African regimes rapidly descended into autocracy and many countries formally recognised one-party regimes. Despite many one-party regimes having been abolished after the democratisation wave of the late 1980s and early 1990s, challenges of holding free and fair elections persist. Several elections held since this democratic wave were generally not considered by independent observers as free and fair. Indeed Africa has become well known for flawed elections, such as was the case in the 2007 elections in Kenya, the 2008 elections in Zimbabwe and the 2010 elections in Ivory Coast. Due to the stifled democratic climate, where even elections had a predetermined outcome, coups became a common and regular method of showing discontent or removing government. While the phenomenon of problematic elections is going on, at the continental level, Africa seems to be making renewed commitment towards democratic governance. With the transformation of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) into the African Union (AU) through the adoption of the Constitutive Act of the African Union in 2000, the AU, inter alia, committed to promoting “democratic principles and institutions, popular participation and good governance” and seems determined to depart from the legacy of poor governance. It is in view of the foregoing background that this research sought to investigate the challenges the judiciary in Africa has faced in adjudicating presidential election disputes. And, in light of the growing trend towards establishing common African democratic standards and seeking collective solutions, the research also sought to explore the viability of establishing a continental supranational mechanism for resolving disputed presidential elections through adjudication. / Public, Constitutional and International Law / LL. D.

Section 34 of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 outlines the scope of judicial authority as encompassing the resolution of any dispute that can be resolved by the application of law. The courts in South Africa have developed several justiciability canons that restrain when courts may adjudicate disputes, such as standing, mootness, ripeness, and the prevention of advisory opinions. These justiciability canons emanate from constitutional considerations such as respect for separation of powers and the proper role and scope of judicial review in a constitutional democracy. This study focuses on another justiciability canon - the political question doctrine. This doctrine arises from the principle of separation of powers and, in the main, provides that certain questions of constitutional law are allocated to the discretion of the elected branches of government for resolution. As a result, such questions are non-justiciable and require the judiciary to abstain from deciding them because not doing so intrudes into the functions of the elected branches of government. The underlying theme is that such questions must find resolution in the political process. Through a comparative lens, the study examines the origins and current application of the political question doctrine in selected countries with a view to obtain lessons therefrom. It examines the origins of the doctrine, by placing particular emphasis on the early application of the doctrine by the US Supreme Court. The study also examines the modern application of the doctrine in the constitutional jurisprudence of several countries, including Ghana, Uganda and Nigeria. It advances the view that while the doctrine exists in the South African jurisprudence, the Constitutional Court should articulate and develop it into a clear doctrine taking into account lessons from those countries. The study offers some recommendations in this regard. The study submits that the political question doctrine is an appropriate legal mechanism through which the South African judiciary can address the recent problem of the proliferation of cases brought to the courts that raise non-justiciable political questions and threaten to delegitimize the role of the courts in a democracy. / Public, Constitutional and International Law / LL. D.