This dissertation examines the role of the social struggles and alliances in shaping the Constitutional Court rulings that structure core political controversies in Turkey. By adopting Joel Migdal’s State-in-Society approach, the Court is conceived as an organization that exists in an environment of conflict. By following a process oriented approach, this study analyzes the ways in which the relation between the Court and other actors influence the Constitutional Court of Turkey’s motives, capacity and manner of activism mainly during the period under the 1961 Constitution. This study argues that the limits of the Court’s power and its role in structuring the core political controversies that define and divide society can be explained by looking at the alliances formed between the Court and other actors. Alliances extend the jurisdiction of the Court by opening new avenues for political intervention and creating a support network for the reasoning and the justification of its rulings. By comparing the Court’s activism under the 1961 Constitution and under the 1982 Constitution, it is demonstrated that neither the nature nor the influence of these alliances remains static. In fact, this dissertation points out that we need to make a conceptual differentiation between two forms of alliances; strategic alliances and judicial coalitions. Strategic alliances refer to implicit alliances between the Court and other actors formed around an issue, whereas judicial coalitions refer to alliances based on a common normative framework and a shared identity. Whereas the Court’s activism in the first period is best described in terms of a strategic alliance, its activism in the 1990’s and 2000’s is best described with the term judicial coalition. / 10000-01-01

Purpose of this thesis is to analyze impact of decisions of the Constitutional Court of the Czech Republic on current legislation on elections. The thesis contains several chapters on history of evolution of the Czech election laws as well as comparison of basis on which the current legislation stands. In the rest of the thesis author analyses decisions of the Czech Constitutional Court which have been published under number 243/1999 and 64/2001. Last part of the thesis is devoted to possible development of legislation on elections in the near future.

Fundamental rights in tax case law of the Constitutional Court Abstract The thesis deals with the case law of the Czech Constitutional Court where the reason for the judicial review was a claimed infringement of a fundamental right or legal principle. The first part gives a brief description of the background, defining the theoretical and constitutional basis for judicial review of tax regulations and decisions, the relevant fundamental rights, and the methods and standards of review applied by the Constitutional Court, in general and tax case law. The core of the thesis is then an analysis of selected tax cases and Constitutional Court decisions. For each case there is a brief background outlining the circumstances under which a particular law was passed, followed by the analysis itself, and finally a summary of each case in terms of the rights or principles claimed / found to have been infringed and the methods and standards of review applied by the Constitutional Court. The results of the analyses are then summarised and compared against the general points of reference; then common elements of the cases and decisions are identified. The conclusion of the thesis is that in the cases analysed, the legal regulation in question had not been carefully enough examined from the perspective of its impact on...

Parmi les sociétés ayant fait l’expérience d’une transition politique au cours des années 1980, la Corée du Sud est d’ordinaire tenue pour un modèle de ‘‘réussite’’ démocratique et constitutionnelle. L’analyse interprétative du corpus jurisprudentiel sur laquelle le présent travail de recherche repose révèle cependant l’ambivalence qui a caractérisé la manière dont la cour a endossé son rôle de défenseur de l’ordre constitutionnel dans la période post-transitionnelle. Cette ambivalence se traduit par la dualité d’effets, libéraux et illibéraux, produits par les décisions de la cour à mesure qu’elle est intervenue dans le conflit majeur ayant opposé l’État sud-coréen et une partie de la société civile depuis le changement de régime : redéfinir les contours de qui, et ce qui, constitue l’ennemi après la transition. à travers la question polémique de l’ennemi, ce sont les dynamiques d’inclusion et d’exclusion au sein de la démocratie sud-coréenne qui ont été mises en jeu sur la scène constitutionnelle. la Cour constitutionnelle de Corée a joué un rôle paradoxal au regard de cette dispute, ou ‘‘mésentente’’, que son intervention a contribué à mettre à la fois en scène et en sommeil. / Among the countries which have experienced a political transition away from authoritarianism in the 1980s, South Korea is usually considered as a model of both democracy and judicial review. Relying on an interpretive reading of jurisprudence, the present research however uncovers the double-edged way in which the Constitutional Court of Korea has discharged its role as guardian of the constitution. A critical analysis of constitutional jurisprudence indeed reveals how the court’s commitment to define and defend the post-transition constitutional order has translated into both liberal and illiberal outcomes. This ambivalent dimension of the court’s role has unfolded as the institution came to intervene in the major dispute opposing the state and parts of civil society after the 1987 change of regime: reshaping the contours of enmity in the post-transitional period. Through the contentious issue of enmity, what has been put at stake in the constitutional arena is the very challenge of delineating the boundaries of inclusion and exclusion in South Korean democracy. in light of this task, constitutional justice has imposed itself as a paradoxical site, where the post-transitional disagreement about what counts as ‘‘national’’ and ‘‘anti-national’’ has been both staged and interrupted.

The 1996 Constitution of the Republic of South Africa is the supreme law of the Republic and in enjoying this status it is prescribing the composition of the three different arms of government as well as each branch’s status within the new constitutional dispensation. Prior to this era of constitutional supremacy South Africa was subject to the principle of parliamentary sovereignty, an era where the courts could only challenge legislation on procedural grounds, but had no general power to declare legislation unconstitutional. The Constitution further provides for a separation of powers between these arms of government, and it has vested the judicial authority in the courts and conferred strong judicial review powers upon the Constitutional Court. The head of executive has recently argued that “the powers conferred on the courts cannot be regarded as superior to the powers resulting from a mandate given by the people in a popular vote”. The preceding quote is one of many statements and claims that forms part of a national debate on the nature and scope of the Constitutional Court’s powers in South Africa. The Constitutional Court has in recent years handed down judgments that were not favourable to the legislative6 and executive arms of the South African government. / Magister Legum - LLM

The doctrine formed by the Constitutional Court of Lithuanian Republic has opened new aspects of jurisdiction directly not approved neither by the Constitutional Court, nor by the Constitution, nor by the law on the Constitutional Court. Therefore in this final candidate work is widely analyzed what powers the Constitutional Court has, checking conformity of legal certificates to the Constitution.

O objetivo da pesquisa é a análise da instalada e crescente crise do Poder Judiciário no Brasil e da reforma que pretende solucioná-la. Diante do exame perfunctório se verifica que a crise não é somente operacional, ocasionada pelo desaparelhamento do Judiciário, pelo processo, suas excessivas formalidades e por outros motivos apontados pelo meio jurídico. Embora presentes, a principal causa é de ordem institucional, pois trata do exercício de um dos três Poderes de Estado, que já não se apresenta em sintonia com a teoria clássica da separação dos poderes do século XVIII, em face da nova sociedade e da decorrente alteração dos fins do Estado. O Poder Judiciário vem evoluindo no sentido de administrar a Justiça e prestar a jurisdição de forma substancial, com base na concretização da Constituição, especialmente dos Direitos Fundamentais, o que leva, pelo menos aparentemente, a ditar o Direito e imiscuir-se na atividade política, em contradição à teoria clássica da separação dos poderes. De outro lado, nosso sistema de governo presidencialista, com a hegemonia do Poder Executivo, depõe contra a independência do Judiciário ao centralizar a cooptação dos componentes da mais Alta Corte e ingerir na formação dos Tribunais Superiores. Agora com a adoção do controle externo do Poder Judiciário, aumenta a concentração de poderes no Executivo, fazendo frente à pletora de competência que a Constituição atribuiu ao Poder Judiciário. A conclusão é de que a perda é da sociedade, com a subversão do regime democrático. A história dos países mais desenvolvidos está a indicar o caminho do consenso, como sendo o de um novo agenciamento de poderes, adotando-se o sistema parlamentarista e um Tribunal Constitucional independente. / The objective of the research is the analysis of the installed and crescent crisis of the Judicial Power in Brazil and the reform that intend to solve it. In front of the perfunctory we verify that the crisis is not just operational, caused by the lack of apparatus of the Judicial, by the process, its excessive formalities or other reasons pointed by the judicial environment. Although present, the main cause is from institutional order, because it’s about the prosecution of one of the three Powers of the State, which already is not shown in sintony with the classic theory of the separation of the powers from the XVII century, in regard to the new society and the current alteration of the finality of the State. The Judicial Power has been developing in the sense of managing the Justice and render the jurisdiction in a substantional way, based on the realization of the Constitution, specially the Fundamental Rights, that takes us, at least apparently, to dictate the Law and insert itself in the political activity, in contradiction to the classic theory of the separation of the Powers. On the other hand, our presidential government system, with the hegemony of the Executive Power, deposes against the independence of the Judicial centralizing the political choice of the components of the Highest Court and ingests the formation of the Superior Courts. Now with the adoption of the external control of the Judicial Power, raises the concentration of the powers in the Executive, initiating the exuberance of competence that the Constitution attributed to the Judicial Power. The conclusion is that the lost is of the society, with the subversion of the democratic regime. The history of the well developed countries is pointing the way of consensus, as been the way of a new placement of the powers, adopting the parliamentary system and a independent Constitutional Court.

O objetivo da pesquisa é a análise da instalada e crescente crise do Poder Judiciário no Brasil e da reforma que pretende solucioná-la. Diante do exame perfunctório se verifica que a crise não é somente operacional, ocasionada pelo desaparelhamento do Judiciário, pelo processo, suas excessivas formalidades e por outros motivos apontados pelo meio jurídico. Embora presentes, a principal causa é de ordem institucional, pois trata do exercício de um dos três Poderes de Estado, que já não se apresenta em sintonia com a teoria clássica da separação dos poderes do século XVIII, em face da nova sociedade e da decorrente alteração dos fins do Estado. O Poder Judiciário vem evoluindo no sentido de administrar a Justiça e prestar a jurisdição de forma substancial, com base na concretização da Constituição, especialmente dos Direitos Fundamentais, o que leva, pelo menos aparentemente, a ditar o Direito e imiscuir-se na atividade política, em contradição à teoria clássica da separação dos poderes. De outro lado, nosso sistema de governo presidencialista, com a hegemonia do Poder Executivo, depõe contra a independência do Judiciário ao centralizar a cooptação dos componentes da mais Alta Corte e ingerir na formação dos Tribunais Superiores. Agora com a adoção do controle externo do Poder Judiciário, aumenta a concentração de poderes no Executivo, fazendo frente à pletora de competência que a Constituição atribuiu ao Poder Judiciário. A conclusão é de que a perda é da sociedade, com a subversão do regime democrático. A história dos países mais desenvolvidos está a indicar o caminho do consenso, como sendo o de um novo agenciamento de poderes, adotando-se o sistema parlamentarista e um Tribunal Constitucional independente. / The objective of the research is the analysis of the installed and crescent crisis of the Judicial Power in Brazil and the reform that intend to solve it. In front of the perfunctory we verify that the crisis is not just operational, caused by the lack of apparatus of the Judicial, by the process, its excessive formalities or other reasons pointed by the judicial environment. Although present, the main cause is from institutional order, because it’s about the prosecution of one of the three Powers of the State, which already is not shown in sintony with the classic theory of the separation of the powers from the XVII century, in regard to the new society and the current alteration of the finality of the State. The Judicial Power has been developing in the sense of managing the Justice and render the jurisdiction in a substantional way, based on the realization of the Constitution, specially the Fundamental Rights, that takes us, at least apparently, to dictate the Law and insert itself in the political activity, in contradiction to the classic theory of the separation of the Powers. On the other hand, our presidential government system, with the hegemony of the Executive Power, deposes against the independence of the Judicial centralizing the political choice of the components of the Highest Court and ingests the formation of the Superior Courts. Now with the adoption of the external control of the Judicial Power, raises the concentration of the powers in the Executive, initiating the exuberance of competence that the Constitution attributed to the Judicial Power. The conclusion is that the lost is of the society, with the subversion of the democratic regime. The history of the well developed countries is pointing the way of consensus, as been the way of a new placement of the powers, adopting the parliamentary system and a independent Constitutional Court.

El derecho al trabajo es considerado un derecho humano, el que se encuentra reconocido en diferentes instrumentos normativos de categoría internacional y nacional; entonces debería estar bastante claro que son invulnerables e irrenunciables, pero como se verá más adelante pasa todo lo contrario. El tema de investigación es relevante, ya que, el Estado como empleador, debería ser el primero en respetar los derechos de sus trabajadores y hacer cumplir la normativa laboral. La Constitución Política del Perú de 1993, considera al Tribunal Constitucional como órgano supremo de interpretación y control de constitucionalidad, a cargo de resguardar y reconocer los derechos estipulados en la Carta Magna. El Precedente Vinculante expedido por este órgano supremo causa inseguridad jurídica a los trabajadores de la Carrera Administrativa, en su afán de querer resguardar los intereses del Estado. En tal sentido, la presente investigación tiene como finalidad demostrar la vulneración del derecho de reposición al puesto de trabajo por desnaturalización del Contrato de Servicio Específico de los trabajadores de la Carrera Administrativa, que no demuestren haber ingresado a este régimen por concurso público y abierto de méritos; no bastando con ello, el Precedente Vinculante tiene efecto retroactivo, esto es, que debe aplicarse a los procesos en curso que tengan como pretensión la reposición al puesto de trabajo y no hayan demostrado el ingreso por concurso público y abierto de méritos. El presente estudio lo he dividido en cinco capítulos. En el primer capítulo desarrollaré el planteamiento de problema, donde describiré la realidad del problema materia de investigación, formulare los objetivos y el planteamiento de hipótesis. En el segundo capítulo desarrollaré la evolución histórica del derecho laboral en el Perú, así como las bases teóricas o conceptuales, enfatizando en los principios del derecho laboral y procesal laboral, el contrato de trabajo como base de la relación laboral, además del reconocimiento de la estabilidad laboral del trabajador y culminaré este capítulo con la acción de amparo laboral como garantía constitucional. El tercer capítulo comprende los principales cuerpos normativos nacionales e internacionales que regulan los derechos laborales en forma general hasta lo específico, es decir, la Carrera Administrativa. En el cuarto capítulo abordaré los diversos derechos laborales y procesales reconocidos por el Tribunal Constitucional en múltiple jurisprudencia, también contrastaré las sentencias emitidas por el Tribunal Constitucional anteriores a la expedición del Precedente Vinculante del “Caso Huatuco”, con las posteriores a ésta. Sobre la base de lo analizado en los capítulos mencionados, el quinto capítulo está dedicado a los Aportes al Derecho, los cuales mejorarían y resguardarían los derechos laborales que se encuentran siendo vulnerados por el Precedente Vinculante conocido como el “Caso Huatuco”. La metodología utilizada en esta investigación es el análisis de las normas nacionales e internacionales que reconocen los derechos laborales y procesales, doctrina y jurisprudencia relacionadas con los derechos vulnerados por el Precedente Vinculante del “Caso Huatuco”, esperando cubrir las expectativas generadas y lograr encontrar soluciones al problema de investigación con las propuestas que realizadas.

O objetivo da pesquisa é a análise da instalada e crescente crise do Poder Judiciário no Brasil e da reforma que pretende solucioná-la. Diante do exame perfunctório se verifica que a crise não é somente operacional, ocasionada pelo desaparelhamento do Judiciário, pelo processo, suas excessivas formalidades e por outros motivos apontados pelo meio jurídico. Embora presentes, a principal causa é de ordem institucional, pois trata do exercício de um dos três Poderes de Estado, que já não se apresenta em sintonia com a teoria clássica da separação dos poderes do século XVIII, em face da nova sociedade e da decorrente alteração dos fins do Estado. O Poder Judiciário vem evoluindo no sentido de administrar a Justiça e prestar a jurisdição de forma substancial, com base na concretização da Constituição, especialmente dos Direitos Fundamentais, o que leva, pelo menos aparentemente, a ditar o Direito e imiscuir-se na atividade política, em contradição à teoria clássica da separação dos poderes. De outro lado, nosso sistema de governo presidencialista, com a hegemonia do Poder Executivo, depõe contra a independência do Judiciário ao centralizar a cooptação dos componentes da mais Alta Corte e ingerir na formação dos Tribunais Superiores. Agora com a adoção do controle externo do Poder Judiciário, aumenta a concentração de poderes no Executivo, fazendo frente à pletora de competência que a Constituição atribuiu ao Poder Judiciário. A conclusão é de que a perda é da sociedade, com a subversão do regime democrático. A história dos países mais desenvolvidos está a indicar o caminho do consenso, como sendo o de um novo agenciamento de poderes, adotando-se o sistema parlamentarista e um Tribunal Constitucional independente. / The objective of the research is the analysis of the installed and crescent crisis of the Judicial Power in Brazil and the reform that intend to solve it. In front of the perfunctory we verify that the crisis is not just operational, caused by the lack of apparatus of the Judicial, by the process, its excessive formalities or other reasons pointed by the judicial environment. Although present, the main cause is from institutional order, because it’s about the prosecution of one of the three Powers of the State, which already is not shown in sintony with the classic theory of the separation of the powers from the XVII century, in regard to the new society and the current alteration of the finality of the State. The Judicial Power has been developing in the sense of managing the Justice and render the jurisdiction in a substantional way, based on the realization of the Constitution, specially the Fundamental Rights, that takes us, at least apparently, to dictate the Law and insert itself in the political activity, in contradiction to the classic theory of the separation of the Powers. On the other hand, our presidential government system, with the hegemony of the Executive Power, deposes against the independence of the Judicial centralizing the political choice of the components of the Highest Court and ingests the formation of the Superior Courts. Now with the adoption of the external control of the Judicial Power, raises the concentration of the powers in the Executive, initiating the exuberance of competence that the Constitution attributed to the Judicial Power. The conclusion is that the lost is of the society, with the subversion of the democratic regime. The history of the well developed countries is pointing the way of consensus, as been the way of a new placement of the powers, adopting the parliamentary system and a independent Constitutional Court.