The responses by the American, French, and British governments, in efforts to secure the release of their citizens taken hostage in Lebanon, have demonstrated the difficulty for Western states in reconciling their firmly-held principles of no-negotiations and no-concessions in dealing with either the Hizb'allah or its patrons with the actual and practical realities governing any resolution to the hostage-situations in Lebanon, This case-study on the dynamics of the Hizb'allah and its interaction with Iran and Syria provides a basis for the evaluation of the effectiveness of Western government responses to the hostage-crisis in Lebanon using crisis management techniques. This study shows that the abduction of Western citizens by Hizb'allah was motivated either by internal organisational requirements or in alignment with Syrian and Iranian interests, and that mechanisms for the resolution of the hostage-crisis were subject to continuous interaction between Hizb'allah, Iran, and Syria influenced by internal Lebanese, regional, and international events. The Western responses to the hostage-crisis showed limited effectiveness as the crisis management techniques were poorly adjusted in timing and direction to the actual crisis environment. With the exception of the French response, the overall employment of Western crisis management techniques showed disregard for the opportunities and constraints in the fluctuating relationship between Syria and Iran as well as the political environment within Lebanon which the Hizb'allah operates and exists. This was clear by their failure to rely on either Iran or Syria as the only channel in negotiations over hostages without regard to their individual ability to exert its influence over the movement in accordance with shifts in their ties to Hizb'allah's command leadership between 1987-1991 and to the status of the Iranian-Syrian relationship over time, as displayed by the friction between 1986-92. This study provides a new approach in the study of terrorism by merging a case-study of the dynamics of the hostage-crisis with an evaluation of Western responses through crisis management techniques in order to more closely resolve the dilemma of the fulfillment of these states' duty to protect their citizens taken hostage abroad, without major sacrifices in the conduct of foreign policy.

This thesis studies a by-product of the continuing and complex Arab-Israeli conflict: the Palestinian refugee diaspora in Lebanon, and the efforts of Western charitable organizations with this population. The rise of the non-governmental organization (NGO) movement embroiled the Western world in the Middle East as a new form of intervention, with the aim of providing emergency relief in the short term and plans for development in the long term. This research studies how Palestinians came to live in their host countries with the help of NGOs, and to determine what the challenges and successes of these organizations were. For this study, the American Near East Refugee Aid (ANERA) organization is used as a case study by looking at its history of interaction with Palestinians between the War of 1967 and the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1982, a decade and a half marked by war and exodus. Using ANERA’s annual reports, newsletters, board meeting reports, and interviews with individual Palestinians who were raised in Lebanon, the research looks at the history and ethical complications of the international NGO movement. Furthermore, this thesis analyses the logistical challenges and achievements of ANERA in their programming in Lebanon and the way that Palestinians were portrayed by ANERA back to their American public. Finally, the Palestinian perspective is taken into account to understand the impact of Western NGOs on their own community. Ultimately, this study seeks to determine how what has been ANERA’s historical experience with Palestinian refugees in Lebanon.

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In the past, Catholic schools have made a significant contribution to educational provision in Lebanon. In the restructuring of society in post-war Lebanon, Catholic schools are called on to continue to provide academic excellence. To meet this need, principals of Catholic schools are challenged to provide instructional leadership and manage schools effectively. Against this background, this study explores the Catholic school principal's role with regard to its management and leadership capacity. A literature study investigates theories of management and leadership as applied to the principal. An overview of the Catholic school system in Lebanon is given against the backdrop of historical, social, political and economic factors. The role and tasks of the Catholic school principal are examined with particular focus upon the unique spiritual dimension of the role. From this theoretical and descriptive base, the research design is described. A qualitative investigation of the principal's role was conducted. Data gathering was done by means of an preliminary questionnaire, individual interviews and a focus group interview as well as participant observation in a Catholic school in Lebanon. The interviews explored the themes of management and leadership as experienced by a small sample of principals of Catholic schools. Data was analysed, discussed and synthesised. Significant issues discussed included management topics such as delegation, strategic planning, time management, financial management and the evaluation and staff development of teachers; leadership topics comprised vision, mission, faith formation, and school culture. The findings provide a basis for a recommended profile and model for the Catholic school principal. The study suggests that the future effectiveness of the principalship rests upon the clear conceptualisation and implementation of both management and leadership functions. In the light of this, the present formation and training of the principal may fall short in meeting the increasingly complex demands of Lebanese Catholic schools. Without strong endorsement and training for educational management and leadership principals in Catholic schools could face a precarious future. Further research and management training and formation is needed to lead Catholic school principals into a steadfast future. / Educational Leadership and Management / D.Ed. (Educational Management)

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The small Middle Eastern country of Lebanon was once recognised as the exemplar of power-sharing democracy, upholding a system that promoted peace and coexistence between Christians and Muslims. Power was divided proportionally amongst confessional groups, granting each sect power according to their demographic proportion. This division of power was aimed at promoting national unity, but changes in the Lebanese demography made the division undemocratic, and the constitution no longer accurately represented Lebanese society. The 1926 constitution, supplemented by the National Pact in 1943, which had upheld this division of power, baulked under the pressure of a 15-year civil war, to the surprise of many scholars who had praised the Lebanese system. While many place the blame on the outside influences, it has been determined that the problem lay within the system. The static characteristic of the system did not sufficiently provide for changing demographics, or a change in interest groups. The problem lay in the fixed nature of the proportionality of the consociational system. The prolonged civil war, sometimes referred to as a proxy war between Israel and Syria, came to an end with the signing of the Taif Accord in 1990. Though none were satisfied with its provision, the Accord brought an end to the escalating violence. The Accord paved the way for the rebuilding of state institutions, enabling parliamentary elections in 1992 and 1996; general municipal elections in 1998; the peaceful transfer of power between presidents; as well as the reconstruction of the Lebanese economy. The main objective of this study of Lebanon is to determine whether the amended Lebanese constitution of 1990 adheres to the principles provided in the theoretical framework regarding constitutional endurance. This study is in the form of a qualitative case study. It aims to describe, at length, and to form an in-depth understanding of the actors and events leading up to the Taif Accord, as well as the formation and implementation thereof. The research questions include: What factors relating to flexibility, specificity and inclusion contributed to the breakdown of the 1943 National Pact?; What steps were taken leading to the Taif Accord?; and Have the changes made in the Lebanese constitution by means of the 1990 Taif Accord facilitated the endurance of the constitution? The study aims to contribute through its application of the theoretical framework to a particular case study, namely that of Lebanon. By 'testing' this theoretical framework, this study also provides an in-depth analysis of the happenings in Lebanon over the past 80 years. It remains in question whether the Taif Accord‟s amendments to the constitution have sufficiently provided for the resilience of thereof. Twenty years of relative peace have not convinced Lebanese citizens of the legitimacy and efficacy of the Accord. While the over-centralisation of power within the system was curbed by shifting power away from the president to a cabinet equally divided between Christian and Muslims, the Accord failed to effectively deal with the preset nature of the proportionality within the system. 20 years of relative peace may be enough to ensure the endurance of the constitution, but regional factors as well as the presence of radicalised groups play an important role in destabilising the fragile balance within the country. Should the Lebanese state continue to be inclusive and flexible in the wake of a constantly changing environment, it may endure. However, the tumultuous nature of the region in which Lebanon finds itself may eventually provide external shocks that the Lebanese system fails to weather. The hope is that the system builds on sound, systemic foundations in order to be able to endure regional conflict. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die klein Midde-Oosterse land Lebanon, was vroeër 'n voorbeeld van 'n magsdelende demokrasie wat 'n stelsel gehandhaaf het wat vrede en naasbestaan tussen Christene en Moslems bevorder het. Mag is proporsioneel onder geloofsgroepe verdeel volgens hul demografiese verhouding tot die ander groepe. Hierdie verdeling van mag was gemik op die bevordering van nasionale eenheid, maar veranderinge in die Lebanese demografie het veroorsaak dat die grondwet nie meer verteenwoordigend was van die Lebanese samelewing nie. Die Lebanese Grondwet van 1926, tesame met die Nasionale Verdrag van 1943, wat hierdie verdeling gehandhaaf het, het onder die druk van 'n 15-jare Burgeroorlog inmekaar gestort, ten spyte van die vertroue wat in die stelsel was. Alhoewel die skuld soms op eksterne invloede geplaas is, is dit egter bepaal dat die probleem in die Lebanese stelsel self lê. Die statiese kenmerk van die stelsel het nie voldoende voorsiening gemaak vir 'n verandering in die demografie of belangegroepe nie. Die probleem lê in die statiese en onwrikbare aard van die konsosiatiewe stelsel. Die uitgerekte Burgeroorlog, soms gesien as 'n oorlog tussen Israel en Sirië op Lebanese grond, is tot 'n einde gebring met die ondertekening van die Taif Verdrag in 1990. Alhoewel geen betrokke party ten volle tevrede was met die bepalinge van die Verdrag nie, het dit 'n einde gebring aan die toenemende geweld. Die Verdrag het die weg gebaan vir die heropbou van staatsinstellings; parlementêre verkiesings in 1992 en 1996; algemene munisipale verkiesings in 1998; die vreedsame oordrag van mag tussen presidente; sowel as die heropbou van die Lebanese ekonomie. Die hoof doel van hierdie studie van Lebanon is om te bepaal of die gewysigde grondwet van 1990 voldoen aan die beginsels van die teoretiese raamwerk rakende grondwetlike uithouvermoë. Die studie is in die vorm van 'n kwalitatiewe gevallestudie. Dit het ten doel om te beskryf en 'n in-diepte begrip van die akteurs en die gebeure wat gelei het tot die Taif Accord, asook die vorming en implementering daarvan te vorm. Die navorsing vrae sluit in: Watter faktore met betrekking tot buigsaamheid, spesifisiteit en insluiting het bygedra tot die verval van die 1943 National Pact?; Watter stappe is geneem wat gelei tot die Taif Verdrag?; en Het die veranderinge in die Lebanese grondwet deur middel van die 1990 Taif Verdrag die langdurigheid van die grandwet gefasiliteer? studie het ten doel om by te dra deur middel van sy toepassing van die teoretiese raamwerk om 'n bepaalde gevallestudie, naamlik dat van die Lebanon. Hierdie studie verskaf ook 'n in-diepte analise van die gebeure in Lebanon oor die afgelope 80 jaar. Die vraag bly staan of die Taif Verdrag se wysigings aan die grondwet voldoende voorsiening gemaak het vir die oorlewing van die grondwet. Twintig jaar van relatiewe vrede het nog nie Lebanese burgers oortuig van die legitimiteit en doeltreffendheid van die Verdrag nie. Alhoewel die oor-sentralisering van mag binne die stelsel ingeperk is deur die verskuiwing van mag weg van die President, na 'n kabinet wat gelykop tussen Christene en Moslems verdeel is, het die Verdrag versuim om effektief met die proporsionele aard van die grondwet te handel. Dit is egter belangrik om op die uniekheid van die Lebanese geval te let, ten spyte van die vele faktore rondom die saak. Hoewel 20 jaar van vrede genoegsaam kan wees om die langdurigheid van 'n grondwet te verseker, speel streeksfaktore, sowel as die teenwoordigheid van radikale groepe 'n belangrike rol in die destabilisering van die fyn balans wat in die land voorkom. Indien die Lebanese staat voortgaan om inklusief en buigsaam te wees in die nasleep van 'n voortdurende, veranderende omgewing, sal dit kan voortleef. Maar die onstuimige aard van die streek waarin Lebanon homself bevind mag eksterne negatiewe faktore na vore bring wat die Lebanese stelsel nie kan hanteer nie. Die hoop is dat hierdie stelsel sal voortbou op sterk, sistemiese fondasies om in staat te wees om eksterne, sowel as interne, konflik te hanteer.

"December 2003" / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 349-387) / 387 leaves : maps ; 30 cm / Title page, contents and abstract only. The complete thesis in print form is available from the University Library. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Adelaide, School of History and Politics, Discipline of Politics, 2005

This thesis highlights a new approach to the programs and agenda of the Shi`ite representative body in Lebanon known under the acronym AMAL. The period studied is from 1969--1984. Previous studies have drawn insufficient attention to the important and quintessentially Islamic relation between religion and politics for this particular community. This relation becomes a focal point for this thesis. / Here, I study and tell the story of how a politically and socially marginalized sector of a society awakened unto itself and sought change in its political, social and economic position. This change involved a reaffirmation of specifically Shi`i doctrines, beliefs and motifs which helped this community assert themselves with a new identity during this fifteen year period.

In the span of two decades, Hizballah has evolved from an armed resistance movement against Israeli occupation into an efficient political party and---by extension---into a permanent fixture on Lebanon's mainstream political stage. The present analysis traces the evolution of the party from its inception and assesses its performance vis-a-vis the major players of Iran, Israel and Syria. Factors including the characteristics of the movement and the Shiite community itself, the shifting position, interests and policies of various regional actors, and the changing domestic conditions in Lebanon were isolated in order to adequately explain the behaviour and development of Hizballah. As a result, such alternatives to cultural factors (i.e the "Islamic variable") were found to be stronger explanatory factors rather than the Islamic factor. Ultimately, the essay illustrates that Islamic considerations are secondary, if not tertiary, when political decisions are to be made in different contexts. Rather, it is the interests of the more powerful actors that govern the organization's next move, in addition to the aforementioned variables. On the basis of such assumptions and findings, conclusions were finally drawn regarding Hizballah's future developments and its prospects following an Israeli withdrawal.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Adelaide, School of History and Politics, Discipline of Politics, 2005. / "December 2003" Includes bibliographical references (leaves 349-387).

No description available.