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Ting-Yat Chui. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1998. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 93-95). / Abstract also in Chinese. / INTRODUCTION --- p.1 / Chapter (I) --- JOHN RAWLS´ة POLITICAL LIBERALISM --- p.4 / Chapter 1. --- Why political liberalism? --- p.4 / Chapter A. --- Reasonable Pluralism --- p.4 / Chapter B. --- Stable for the Right Reasons --- p.7 / Chapter 2. --- What is political liberalism? --- p.9 / Chapter A. --- The aim of PL --- p.9 / Chapter B. --- Two stages of the exposition --- p.11 / Chapter a. --- The first stage of the exposition --- p.11 / Chapter i. --- The political conception of justice --- p.11 / Chapter ii. --- Political constructivism --- p.14 / Chapter b. --- The second stage of the exposition --- p.15 / Chapter i. --- The reasonable overlapping consensus --- p.15 / Chapter ii. --- Public reason --- p.20 / Chapter C. --- Liberal Principle of Legitimacy --- p.21 / Chapter (II) --- WHY NOT POLITICAL LIBERALISM --- p.24 / Chapter 1. --- The reasonable overlapping consensus? --- p.24 / Chapter 2. --- Why should the citizens endorse the political conception of justice? --- p.28 / Chapter A. --- Being reasonable? --- p.29 / Chapter B. --- Prevailing ideas? --- p.34 / Chapter 3. --- Why can the citizens endorse the political conception of justice? --- p.40 / Chapter A. --- Why can't the burdens of judgment cause the disagreement on the political conception of justice? --- p.41 / Chapter B. --- Is political conception of justice really political? --- p.47 / Chapter a. --- The affirmation of the burdens of judgment --- p.47 / Chapter b. --- The fundamental liberal idea of person --- p.49 / Chapter C. --- Political virtue? --- p.59 / Chapter a. --- The reasons for the stableness of a well-ordered society --- p.59 / Chapter b. --- It is impossible for all reasonable citizens to respect political virtues in the political aspect --- p.61 / Chapter i. --- The aim of social cooperation --- p.61 / Chapter ii. --- It is impossible to privatize the good --- p.65 / Chapter iii. --- Schizophrenia --- p.72 / Chapter iv. --- The impossibility of toleration as a political virtue --- p.76 / Chapter (i) --- Why should we tolerate? --- p.76 / Chapter (ii) --- The virtue of toleration? --- p.79 / CONCLUSION --- p.91 / BIBLIOGRAPHY --- p.93

Abstract not available

Michel Foucault???s and John Rawls??? respective contributions to political philosophy appear to have little in common. Foucault gives an insistently descriptive account of the reality of the political domain; Rawls focusses on normative questions of how it ideally might be. To the extent that the two thinkers are juxtaposed, such juxtaposition is generally used to highlight their differences. Foucault???s arguments are characteristically taken to show Rawls??? preoccupation with consensus and legitimacy to be politically problematic. This thesis pursues the suspicion that there is more positive ground for comparison between Rawls and Foucault than this prima facie assessment would allow. I claim that there are substantive and deep-seated congruences between Rawlsian and Foucaultian conceptual apparatuses. However, to vindicate this claim I take an indirect route. I start within the debates around Rawls??? later work. In this way I motivate a certain reading of this work which is justified in its own right, rather than being justified by the desire to force Rawls into Foucaultian categories. Having established this reading of Rawls with reference to immanent Rawlsian criteria, I develop the striking parallels which obtain between Rawls??? and Foucault???s historical conceptions of political normativity. In light of this commonality, it becomes possible to understand their respective practice as intellectuals in terms of a shared strategy to privilege democracy over truth.

This thesis situates the emergence of German imperialist theory and praxis during the nineteenth century within the context of the ascendancy of German liberalism. It also contends that imperialism was an integral part of a liberal sense of German national identity. It is divided into an introduction, four parts and a set of conclusions. The introduction is a methodological and theoretical orientation. It offers an historiographical overview and places the thesis within the broader historiographical context. It also discusses the utility of post-colonial theory and various theories of nationalism and nation-building. Part One examines the emergence of expansionism within liberal circles prior to and during the period of 1848/ 49. It examines the consolidation of expansionist theory and political practice, particularly as exemplified in the Frankfurt National Assembly and the works of Friedrich List. Part Two examines the persistence of imperialist theorising and praxis in the post-revolutionary era. It scrutinises the role of liberal associations, civil society, the press and the private sector in maintaining expansionist energies up until the 1884 decision to establish state-protected colonies. Part Three focuses on the cultural transmission of imperialist values through the sciences, media and fiction. In examines in particular the role of geographical journals and societies and of the periodical Die Gartenlaube. Part Four discusses the post World War I era, and examines liberal attempts to revive German imperialism, within the context of a refusal to accept the Versailles settlement. It also delineates points of convergence and divergence between Nazi and liberal imperialisms. This is followed by a summation of the evidence and arguments, in which it is concluded that the liberal narration of German national identity was predicated both on the objectification of colonised lands and attempts to emulate and ultimately rival British imperial power.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--York University, 20uu. Graduate Programme in Social and Political Thought. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 419-434). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/yorku/fullcit?pNQ99144

Den kapitalistiska organiseringen av ekonomin och det liberaldemokratiska representativa styrelseskicket har de senaste årtiondena blivit så cementerade och ”objektifierade” att denna ideologiska konstruktion i många avseenden inte längre betraktas som en produkt av det mänskliga medvetandet utan presenteras mer eller mindre som en naturgiven totalitet. Trossatsen att mänskligheten inte längre kan hoppas på något bättre än det liberal-kapitalistiska institutionella arrangemanget – med det individuella ekonomiska subjektets fria förfogande över privategendomen, fri konkurrens, ekonomisk tillväxt, fri kapitalrörelser samt ett indirekt och representativt styrelseskick – har blivit ett vedertaget sakförhållande inom den offentliga diskussionen. I det föreliggande arbetet utgår vi ifrån uppfattningen att den liberal-kapitalistiska världsbilden, liksom alla andra världsbilder, är en kognitiv konstruktion. Vårt syfte är att, med avstamp i Thomas Kuhns paradigmteori, försöka dekonstruera denna världsbild för att förhoppningsvis kunna skönja den historiska och samhälleliga bakgrunden till det rådande paradigmet, samt att synliggöra hur det ideologiskt orienterade liberala samfundet genom olika mekanismer och modifieringar försökt försvara och bevara denna världsbilds legitimitet och parametrar. De teoretiska och metodologiska ramverken i detta arbete vägleds i stor utsträckning av den begreppsapparat som finns representerad i Thomas Kuhns paradigmteori. Vi gör i detta arbete gällande att begreppet ”framåtskridande” som uttryckte en optimistisk tilltro till en ljusare framtid, möjliggjord av ackumulationen av ny kunskap och nya vetenskapliga innovationer, har spelat en avgörande roll i det liberala samfundets förståelse av det egna paradigmet. Genom att koppla samman sin världsbild med det ”objektiva” begreppet om framåtskridande, lyckades det liberala samfundet omvandla sin ideologiska konstruktion till en ”naturgiven och universell referensram” ur vilken alltfler samhälleliga förhållanden hämtade sin legitimitet men också ”objektivitet”.  Genom att inte sky några ansträngningar för att tvinga in sin förståelse av världen inom ramen för den egna världsåskådningen, har det liberala samfundet framgångsrikt assimilerat olika anomalier och oregelbundenheter till det förväntade inom det egna paradigmet. De samhällsformationer som har uppstått till följd av assimileringsförsöken, har syftat till att motverka upp/återkomsten av allvarliga anomalier, men de har i lika stor utsträckning avsett att begränsa massans inträde på och inflytande över den politiska scenen. / The capitalistic organization of the economic system and the liberal democratic representative form of government has in recent decades become so cemented and "objectified" that this ideological construction in many ways no longer is regarded as a product of the human mind, but presented more or less as a natural given totality. The dogma that humanity no longer can hope for something better than the liberal-capitalistic institutional arrangement - with the individual economic subject´s free disposal of private property, free competition, economic growth, free capital movement, and an indirect and representative government - has become an accepted fact in the public discussion. In this essay, we assume that the liberal-capitalistic worldview, like all other worldviews, is a cognitive structure. Our purpose is to try to deconstruct the liberal-capitalistic worldview by using Thomas Kuhn´s paradigm theory and our ambition is that we can be able to discover the historical and social background to the current paradigm. Our aim in this present work is to highlight how the ideologically oriented liberal community through various mechanisms and modifications has defended and preserved the paradigm´s legitimacy and the continuity of this worldview. The theoretical and methodological framework of this essay is guided by the concepts, which are represented in Thomas Kuhn's theory of paradigm. In this essay, we argue that the term “progressive” who expressed an optimistic belief in a brighter future, which was made possible by the accumulation of new knowledge and scientific innovation, has played a crucial role in the liberal community's understanding of its own paradigm. By linking their world with the "objective" notion of progress, the liberal community managed to transform their ideological construct as a "natural given and universal frame of reference" from which more and more social relations collected its legitimacy and "objectivity". The liberal community has successfully assimilated various anomalies and irregularities into the expected in their own paradigm by forcing their understanding of the world within the context of their own worldview. The social formations that have arisen as a result of assimilations attempts, has aimed to counteract the upraise and return of serious anomalies, but they have just as much intended to limit the entry of the masses and its influence on the political scene.

Den här uppsatsen är en diskursteoretisk analys av debattören Johan Norbergs författarskap, med ett i stora drag enbart deskriptivt syfte som ämnar på ett strukturerat vis presentera det bakomliggande meningarna i Norbergs författarskap som ett uttryck för en politisk diskurs och beskriva dem i enighet med de teorier för diskursers formerande av Laclau och Mouffe som presenteras i uppsatsens teori och metodkapitel. Uppsatsens frågeställningar handlar om att identifiera de nodalpunkter och ekvivalenskedjor som utför centrala delar av Norbergs diskurs, vilket också görs i resultatdelen. I den mån uppsatsen går utöver en deskriptiv ansats så handlar det om att utifrån en ytlig analys av tidigare forskning kring John Lockes tyckande, jämföra Norberg med detta för att se i vilken mån Norbergs påstående om sig själv som en klassisk liberal överensstämmer med resultaten av analysen. De nodalpunkter som identifieras under analysen är frihet, kapitalism, globalisering och välstånd tillsammans med förklarande ekvivalenser. Resultaten tyder också på att Norbergs beskrivning av sig själv som en klassisk liberal är riktig även om det framkommer en del ganska stora avvikelser från Lockes synsätt.