"Communities in Translation: History and Identity in Medieval England" argues that moments of identity formation in translated texts of the Middle Ages are best understood if translation is viewed as a process. Expanding on Brian Stock's idea that texts organize and define real historical communities, I argue that medieval translations--broadly considered as textual artifacts which relate received narratives--create communities within their narratives based on religious, ethnic, and proto-nationalist identities. In my first chapter, I assert that the Old English Orosius--a translation of a fifth-century Latin history--creates an audience that is forced to assume a hybrid Roman-English identity that juxtaposes a past Rome with a present Anglo-Saxon England. In chapter two, I argue that the inclusion of English saints among traditional Latin ones in Ælfric of Eynsham's Lives of the Saints stakes a claim not only for the holiness of English Christians but for the holiness of the land itself, thus including England in a trans-temporal community of Christians that depended on English practice and belief for its continued success. In my third chapter, I turn to Chaucer's Man of Law's Tale, and read it alongside its historical source by Nicholas Trevet in order to demonstrate Chaucer's investment in a multicultural English Christianity. These arguments inform my reading of Beowulf, a poem which, while not itself a translation, thematizes the issues of community raised by my first three chapters through its engagement with the problematic relationship between communities and narrative. When Beowulf's characters and narrator present an inherited narrative meant to bolster community, they more often reveal the connections to outside forces and longer histories that render its textual communities exceedingly fragile. Where previous studies of translation focus on the links of vernacular writings to their source texts and their Latin past, I suggest that these narratives envision alternative presents and futures for the communities that they create.

Cette étude traite des représentations littéraires du « démon de la fornication » et des notions avoisinantes du tabou et de la transgression dans la société tardo-antique de l’Orient chrétien à travers la lecture des Vies de saints. Elle focalise sur les « Vies de saintes prostituées » et celles « de saintes adultères », qui concrétisent les perceptions de l’homme tardo-antique autour de la question de la transgression des tabous sexuels. Mais à côté de la représentation littéraire de la transgression réelle (d’ordre principalement sexuelle) de normes sociales, nous serons étonnés de trouver d’autres formes de transgression, tantôt imaginaire tantôt réelle. Pour cette raison nous avons examiné d’autres cas « marginaux » de saints, dont les Vies nous fournissent des indices précieux sur toute la gamme de normes sociales et de prescriptions taboues de la société tardo-antique : la fuite du mariage, le refus du travail, l’homosexualité, la contestation du pouvoir (paternel et politique), la mendicité, le vagabondage, la folie et le rire n’étant que les plus importants. Pourtant, la seule énumération de ces sujets pose un autre problème éminemment plus important que la représentation littéraire, celui de la place des marginaux dans cette société. Quelle était la place, alors, de tous ceux qui étaient considérés comme des « rejetés » sociaux dans la société de l’Antiquité tardive, quelle était la place des prostituées, des adultères, des homosexuels, des fous, des clochards, des chômeurs, des vagabonds et quelles étaient les attitudes vis-à-vis d’eux et quelles répercussions sociales et psychologiques affrontaient-ils ? En essayant de répondre, nous avons essayé de mettre en avant l’hypothèse de l’existence d’une catégorie particulière de Vies de saints qui traiterait toutes ces questions taboues : les « Vies de saints populaires » dont les principales caractéristiques nous avons essayé d’établir et d’interpréter dans une synthèse historique qui conclue cette étude. / This study treats the literary representations of the “demon of fornication” and the adjacent notions of taboo and transgression in the late-antique society of Christian East through a close reading of the Lives of Saints. It focuses on the “Lives of Holy Harlots” and those of “Holy Adulteresses”, which materialize the late-antique man’s perceptions about the question of the transgression of the sexual taboos. But just along with the literary representations of social norms’ real transgression, mostly sexual, we can also find other forms of transgression, either real or imaginary. For this reason we have examined other cases of “border-line” saints, whose Lives provide us with precious indications about the whole range of social norms and the taboo limitations of the late-antique society: the denial of marriage and work, the homosexuality, the contesting of the paternal and political power, the begging, the wandering, the madness and the laughter, only being the most important. However, the simple enumeration of such subjects evokes the question of the position of the outcasts in this society. Which was the place of all those who were considered as social “rejections” in the late-antique society, which was the place of prostitutes, of adulteresses, of homosexuals, of foolish people, of the wandering or begging workless people, and which were the attitudes towards them or the social and psychological repercussions that they were obliged to confront? Upon trying to answer to these questions, we’ve stumbled upon the existence of a distinct category of Lives of Saints which treats all those taboo subjects: the “Lives of popular Saints” (or the “Popular Lives of Saints”), whose main characteristics we have tried to establish and to interpret in an historical synthesis that concludes this study.

Medieval rhetoric, as a field and as a subject, has largely been under-developed and under-emphasized within medieval and rhetorical studies for several reasons: the disconnect between Germanic, Anglo-Saxon society and the Greco-Roman tradition that defined rhetoric as an art; the problems associated with translating the Old and Middle English vernacular in light of rhetorical and, thereby, Greco-Latin precepts; and the complexities of the medieval period itself with the lack of surviving manuscripts, often indistinct and inconsistent political and legal structure, and widespread interspersion and interpolation of Christian doctrine. However, it was Christianity and its governance of medieval culture that preserved classical rhetoric within the medieval period through reliance upon a classic epideictic platform, which, in turn, became the foundation for early medieval rhetoric. The role of epideictic rhetoric itself is often undervalued within the rhetorical tradition because it appears too basic or less essential than the judicial or deliberative branches for in-depth study and analysis. Closer inspection of this branch reveals that epideictic rhetoric contains fundamental elements of human communication with the focus upon praise and blame and upon appropriate thought and behavior. In analyzing the medieval world’s heritage and knowledge of the Greco-Roman tradition, epideictic rhetoric’s role within the writings and lives of Greek and Roman philosophers, and the popular Christian writings of the medieval period – such as Alfred’s translation of Boethius’ Consolation of Philosophy, Alfred’s translation of Gregory the Great’s Pastoral Care, Ælfric’s Lives of Saints, Ælfric’s Catholic Homilies, Wulfstan’s Sermo Lupi ad Anglos, and the anonymously written Vercelli and Blickling homiles – an early medieval rhetoric begins to be revealed. This Old English rhetoric rests upon a blended epideictic structure based largely upon the encomium and vituperation formats of the ancient progymnasmata, with some additions from the chreia and commonplace exercises, to form a unique rhetoric of the soul that aimed to convert words into moral thought and action within the lives of every individual. Unlike its classical predecessors, medieval rhetoric did not argue, refute, or prove; it did not rely solely on either praise or blame; and it did not cultivate words merely for intellectual, educative, or political purposes. Instead, early medieval rhetoric placed the power of words in the hands of all humanity, inspiring every individual to greater discernment of character and reality, greater spirituality, greater morality, and greater pragmatism in daily life.